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Bolivia

, ECLAC: At least 2,795 were victims of femicide in 23 countries of Latin America and the Caribbean in 2017, Gender Equality Observatory for Latin America and the Caribbean, 2017

Stressing the need to create inter-agency agreements, the 2017 Economic Commission for the Latin America and the Caribbean’s report on femicide shows that Brazil topped the list of femicides (with 1,133 victims confirmed in 2017). In 2016, Honduras recorded 5.8 femicides for every 100,000 women. In Guatemala, the Dominican Republic and Bolivia, high rates were also seen in 2017, equal to or above 2 cases for every 100,000 women. In the region, only Panama, Peru and Venezuela have rates below 1.0. In the Caribbean, four countries accounted for a total of 35 femicide victims in 2017: Belize (9 victims), the British Virgin Islands (1), Saint Lucia (4) and Trinidad and Tobago (21). In the same year, Guyana and Jamaica — which only have data on intimate femicides — reported the deaths of 34 and 15 women, respectively, at the hands of their current or former partners. In 2017, the rates of intimate femicides in Latin America ranged between a maximum of 1.98 for every 100,000 women in the Dominican Republic, to a minimum of 0.47 in Chile.

, Across Latin America, women fight back against violence in politics, UN Women, 2018

Reports on how women in Bolivia, Brazil, Honduras and Mexico who are willing to hold public offices experience violence and do react against intimidation.

Relevant document on political violence against women for each of these countries can be found below.

International: INCLUDE PDF; http://archive.ipu.org/wmn-e/classif.htm

Bolivia: http://observatorioparidaddemocratica.oep.org.bo/ (Spanish). For further readings, please see http://www.unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2018/11/take-five-katia-uriona

Brazil: http://www.brasil5050.org.br/ (Portuguese)

Mexico: https://www.gob.mx/conavim/documentos/protocolo-para-la-atencion-de-la-violencia-contra-las-mujeres-en-razon-de-genero-2017; http://mexico.unwomen.org/es/digiteca/publicaciones/2017/10/protocolo-oaxaca

, Bolivia revolutionises the fight against femicide, YouTube, 2018

This short video shows Bolivian President, Evo Morales announcing the creation of a Defence Cabinet specialised in tackling violence against women and in supporting grassroots efforts. This video situates Bolivia’s move within the wider international context of governments integrating women’s liberation into the executive branch, taking inspiration from countries such as Cuba and Vietnam, which have done the same. In the video, RT producer, Cale Holmes, analyses how, despite an increase in femicide, violence against women and reactionary backlash in Bolivia, the government under Evo Morales was supporting women’s struggle.

Albro, Robert, The Water is Ours, Carajo!”, Deep Citizenship in Bolivia’s water war, In Nash, June , Social Movements. An Anthropoligical Reader Oxford, Blackwell, , 2005, pp. 360, pp. 249-271

Beltran, Elizabeth Peredo, Water, Privatization and Conflict: Women from the Cochabamba Valley, Global Issues Papers, no 4, April, Berlin, Heinrich Böll Foundation, 2004, pp. 48

Boelens, Rutgerd ; Getches, David ; Gil, Armando Guevara, Out of the Mainstream: Water Rights, Politics and Identity, New York, Routledge, 2011, pp. 384

Compares struggles over water in Andean communities of Peru, Chile, Ecuador and Bolivia and Native American communities in S .W. USA, noting the combined goals of cultural justice and socio-economic justice.

 

Boots, Wilson T., Miracle in Bolivia: Four women confront a nation, In McManus; Schlabach, Relentless Persistence: Nonviolent Action in Latin America (E. IV.1. General and Comparative Studies), Philadelphia PA, New Society Publishers, pp. 48-62

On 1977-78 hunger strike.

Chávex, Marxa ; López, Claudia, Women in Tariquía, NACLA Report on the Americas, Vol. 50, no. 4, 2018, pp. 408-410

Explores women’s fight against oil extraction in the Bolivian Tariquía Reserve and the threat against forms of self-governance, of dispossession from the land and the environment this constitutes. The authors bring into the analysis the false division between the public and the private sphere. The threat of dispossession, in fact, is projected in daily life, as when women have to endure divisions within their families, occurrence that is considered a form of private and public violence.

Collins, Dan, The woman breaking Bolivia's culture of silence on rape, The Guardian, 2018

Covers the story of Brisa De Angulo, now in her 30s, who was raped at the age of 15 and, two years after, opened the first – and only – comprehensive support centre for child survivors of sexual violence. This led to creation of the charity A Breeze of Hope and prompted support from Bolivian society and local NGOs.

See also https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2016/07/bolivia-measures-counteract-gender-violence-160711135302912.html

Cordova, Cecilia, Gender and politics in Bolivia. Violent repercussions of the political ‘empowerment’ of women, Christian Aid, 2017, pp. 1-20

Analyses the reality of women’s political participation in Bolivia, and the efforts towards its promotion, within the spheres of indigenous institutions, sindicatos (i.e. trade unions) and state participation.

Crabtree, John, Patterns of Protest: Politics and Social Movements in Bolivia, London, Latin America Bureau, 2003, pp. 117

Covers other protests over land, water and coca, but the final chapter ‘El Alto and the Gas Wars’ describes and analyses 2003, including brief discussion of women’s organizations and the role of radio.

Crabtree, John ; Chaplin, Ann, A New Bolivia? Change, Resistance Protest from the Bottom Up, London, Zed Books, 2013, pp. 192

Crabtree, John ; Whitehead, Laurence, Towards Democratic Viability: The Bolivian Experience, ed. Crabtree, John, Whitehead, Laurence, Basingstoke, Palgrave, 2001, pp. 356

Dangl, Benjamin, The Price of Fire: Resource Wars and Social Movements in Bolivia, Oakland CA, AK Press, 2007, pp. 240

Dangl is an editor of http://towardfreedom.com and http://upsidedownworld.org.

Dunkerley, James, Rebellion in the Veins: Political Struggle in Bolivia, 1952-82, London, Verso, 1984, pp. 385

Notes that 1952 revolution is not well covered in the literature (even in Spanish). Charts changing economic and political context, giving weight to the role of the militant working class in the mines, but also notes role of Catholic Church on human rights (pp. 128-31).

Food Empowerment Project, Water Usage and Privatization, Vol. 2016, Cotati CA, Food Empowerment Project, 2015

Useful summary analysis including brief case studies of corporate misuse of water and resistance to them (and further references): Nestle in US, Vivendi and Suez in Mexico, Bechtel in Bolivia and Coca Cola in India.

Franceschet, Susan ; Krook, Mona Lena ; Tan, Netina, The Palgrave Handbook of Women’s Political Rights, ed. Ennaji, Moha, Sadiqi, Fatima, Vintges, Karen, London, Palgrave Macmillan, 2019, pp. 784

Covers women’s political rights across all major regions of the world, focusing both on women’s right to vote and women’s right to run for political office. The countries explored are Afghanistan, Armenia, Australia, Bolivia, Canada, Cameroon, Chile, China, Colombia, Cuba, Czech Republic, Finland, France, Ghana, India, Indonesia, Israel, Jordan, Kenya, Kuwait, Malaysia, Mauritius, Mexico, Mongolia, Morocco, New Zealand, Myanmar, Niger, Nigeria, Poland, Russia, Rwanda, Slovenia, Sri Lanka, Sweden, South Korea, Slovenia, Switzerland, Taiwan, Tunisia, Turkey, the United States, Uganda, Uruguay, and Zimbabwe.

Galindo, Jimena ; Gaytan, Victoria, Latin America and the Caribbean’s grievous femicide case, Global Americans, 2019

Highlights the evidence that in 32 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean at least 3,529 women were victims of femicide in 2018. According to the report by ECLAC, the five countries with the highest rates of femicide in Latin America are: El Salvador (6.8 femicides per 100,000 women), Honduras (5.1), Bolivia (2.3), Guatemala (2.0) and the Dominican Republic (1.9). In the Caribbean, Guyana leads with 8.8 femicides per 100,000 women, followed by Saint Lucia (4.4), Trinidad and Tobago (3.4), Barbados (3.4), and Belize (2.6).

Gatehouse, Mike, To end gender-based violence (GBV). Children Aid’s campaign in Latin America and the Caribbean, LAB, 2018

Report on grassroots initiatives promoted by Christian Aid and Latin America civil society aimed at developing a national system of data and statistics on violence against women in El Salvador. It also discusses women’s deprivation of citizen rights in the Dominican Republic; the struggle of women defending their community in the Brazilian Amazon; the need to protect the rights of LGBTIQ people in Colombia; the need to enhance the participation of women in the labour market in Guatemala, and to tackle gender based violence and its legitimisation by the Church in Bolivia.

Kingsnorth, Paul, One No, Many Yeses: A Journey to the Heart of the Global Resistance Movement, London, Free Press, 2003, pp. 355

Wide ranging exploration of campaigns in all parts of the world seen at first hand. Includes coverage of Sem Terra in Brazil, Cochabamba in Bolivia, township resistance to privatization in South Africa, the Zapatistas, opposition to mining in West Papua, and campaigning groups in the USA. See also his: Kingsnorth, Paul , Protest still matters New Statesman, 08/05/2006 , 8 May, 2006, discussing why the Global Justice Movement has dropped out of the news, the turn away from street demonstrations to social forums, and stressing that struggles still continue, especially in the Global South.

Kohl, Benjamin ; Farthing, Linda, Impasse in Bolivia. Neoliberal hegemony and popular resistance, London, Zed Books, 2006, pp. 224

Lora, Guillermo, A History of the Bolivian Labour Movement, 1848-1971, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1977, pp. 380

Malloy, James M. ; Gamarra, Eduardo, Revolution and Reaction: Bolivia 1964-1985, Oxford, Transaction Books, 1988, pp. 244

Nash, June, We Eat the Mines and the Mines Eat Us: Dependency and Exploitation in Bolivian Tin Mines, New York, Columbia University Press, 1979, pp. 363

Includes material on strikes, demonstrations, hunger strikes and road blocks.

Olivera, Oscar ; Lewis, Tom, ¡Cochabamba! Water War in Bolivia, Cambridge MA, South End Press, 2004, pp. 224

Postero, Nancy Grey, Now We Are Citizens: Indigenous Politics in Postmulticultural Bolivia, Stanford CA, Stanford University Press, 2006, pp. 340

Shultz, Jim ; Draper, Melissa Crane, Dignity and Defiance: Stories from Bolivia’s Challenge to Globalization, ed. Shultz, Jim, Draper, Melissa Crane, Berkeley CA, University of California Press, 2009, pp. 352

Stettner, Shannon ; Acherman, Katrina ; Burnett, Kristin ; Hay, Travis, Transcending Borders. Abortion in the Past and Present, Cham, Switzerland, Palgrave Macmillan, 2017, pp. 360

This volume investigates different abortion and reproductive practices across time, space, geography, national boundaries, and cultures. The authors specialise in the reproductive politics of Australia, Bolivia, Cameroon, France, ‘German East Africa,’ Ireland, Japan, Sweden, South Africa, the United States and Zanzibar, and cover the pre-modern era and the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, as well as the present day. Contributors draw on different theoretical frameworks, including ‘intersectionality’ and ‘reproductive justice’ to explore the very varied conditions in which women have been forced to make these life-altering decisions.  

Zibechi, Raul, Dispersing Power: Social Movements as Anti-State Forces, Oakland CA, AK Press, 2010, pp. 163

The state, argues Zibechi, ‘is not the appropriate tool for creating new social relations’, and therefore Morales’ presidency represents a challenge to popular emancipation. Instead, he looks for inspiration to the social struggles in Bolivia and the forms of community power instituted by the Aymara people, especially in El Alto.

Zunes, Stephen, The Role of Strategic Nonviolent Conflict in Bolivia’s Transition to Democracy, 1977-82, Paper for biannual meeting of the International Peace Research Association, July 2010, 2010