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, The ZAD and No TAV: Territorial Struggles and the making of a New Political Intelligence, Translated from the French by Kristin Ross, Mauvaise Troupe Collective, 2018, pp. 240

Account of two major struggles by local people in conjunction with a wide range of external activists to defend their local territory: 1. against building a new airport near Nantes in France by ZAD (Zones a Defendre) and 2. against a high-speeed rail line (Treno ad Alta Velocita) in northern Italy by No TAV. The resistance has developed into alternative forms of social and economic organization within the defended territories. The book discusses the role of different strategies and tactics, and how to maintain alliances between diverse groups through dialogue.

See also: Jordan, John, 'Battle of the ZAD', Red Pepper, Jun-Jul 2018, pp. 24-29

, Uber Drivers of the World, Unite, New Internationalist, 2019

This article, drawing on material from the online socialist publication Notes from Below, focuses on the increasing reliance of capitalism today, with the growth of internet retail and the 'gig' economy, on transnational supply chains, and migrant workers. It starts by noting the disruptive effects of the French 'Yellow Vests' demonstrations blocking roundabouts on such chains. It also comments on how Italian grass roots unions Si Cobas and ADL have since 2008 used strikes and blockades to target the chain of distribution centres., leading  to the arrest of the national coordinator of Si Cobas in 2017, and how workers in Amazon distribution centres in Italy, Spain and Germany have coordinated strike action. Concludes by noting how Uber drivers, mostly migrants, communicating via mobile phones have coordinated resistance. (See 'The wave of worker resistance in European food platforms 2016-7', Notes from Below, Jan 2018, 

, A European Green Deal: Striving to be the first climate-neutral continent, Brussels, European Commission , 2019

The EU Commission presented its plan for updating its targets for cutting greenhouse gas emissions in December 2019. The goal of net zero emissions by 2050 was to be given legal force by a climate law in 2020, and its target for 2030 was a 50-55" cut (lifting its previous 40" target). The plan links these targets to a call for a new growth strategy, decoupled from resource use, and sets out a time line and more detailed aims.

See also: Simon, Frederic, 'The EU releases its Green Deal. Here are the key points' 12 Dec. 2019:

Arconti, Laura ; Turco, Maurizio, Marco Pannella, il Partito Radicale e la Nonviolenza, Reality Book, 2016, pp. 454

This book introduces key documents presented by the Italian Partito Radicale Nonviolento Transnazionale e Transpartito (Nonviolent Radical Party, Transnational and Transparty (PRNTT)) enunciating the core values from which nonviolence was extrapolated as the guiding principle for the party’s political action. It is also a testament defining the Party’s programme on the abolition of the death penalty; the abolition of prohibitionism, especially with regards to drugs; the abolishment of Genital Female Mutilation; freedom in scientific research, especially in relation to stem cells research; and the enabling of international jurisdiction aimed at ensuring citizens’ access to international legal institutions to advance their political and social goals.

Balducci, Ernesto, L’uomo Planetario, [1989], Firenze, Giunti Editore, 2005, pp. 192

Balducci examines fundamental ethical questions from a global perspective following the fall of the Berlin Wall, the end of Cold War and the attack on the U.S. on 11th September 2001. His analysis draws upon Catholicism and the necessity of pursuing a secular, nonviolent renovation that – as he argues - all religions must face.

Balducci, Ernesto ; Grassi, Ludovico, La Pace. Realismo Di Un’utopia, Milano, Edizioni Principato , 1985, pp. 468

In this critique of both idealism and realism the authors argue that, in the atomic era, the former should incorporate some aspects of realist thinking and the latter should incorporate some idealist concepts if it is to escape the negation of itself. The work focuses on the exploration of pacifism. The authors distinguish ‘humanitarian pacifism’ - centered on the human conscience; ‘democratic pacifism’ - centered on peace as a process resulting from the exercise of popular sovereignty; and ‘socialist pacifism’ - centered on the labour movement and its main characteristic: nonviolence as a tool for achieving change. By arguing on the limits of idealism and realism the authors reach the conclusion that the only way forward is international cooperation, solidarity and the solidification of a culture of peace that focuses on faith in humankind.  

Barone, Giuseppe, La Forza Della Nonviolenza. Bibliografia e Profilo Biografico Di Danilo Dolci, Napoli, Edizioni Dante & Descartes, 2004, pp. 176

This work organises Danilo Dolci’s scholarship on nonviolence and nonviolent action through a selection of his most significant experiences and works.

Barone, Giuseppe, Ciò Che Ho Imparato e Altri Scritti Di Danilo Dolci, Messina, Edizioni Mesogea, 2008, pp. 200

This work, divided in two parts, reprints in the first Danilo Dolci’s writings on his struggle for employment and democracy; the struggles he led for the construction of dams in Sicily, and nonviolent anti-mafia initiatives in the 1950s and 1960s in Sicily. The second part recalls Dolci’s work on development educational programmes, the development of democratic and participatory models and his critique of the mass consumption model.

Barone, Giuseppe ; Mazzi, Sandro, Aldo Capitini – Danilo Dolci. Lettere 1952-1968, Roma, Edizioni Carocci, 2008, pp. 279

This work contains selected letters between anti-fascist Italian philosopher Aldo Capitini and nonviolent activist Danilo Dolci, initiated by the former when Dolci was on his first hunger strike. This series of letters testifies to the close and unique relationship that developed through time between the two figures, which inspired both to develop their work and further implement insights in the field of culture, politics, education, and religion in the second half of the twentieth century in Italy.

Beard, Mary, Women and Power: A Manifesto, London, Profile Books , 2018, pp. 144

A year after the eruption of the #MeToo movement, historian Mary Beard traces the roots of misogyny in the West to Athens and Rome and explores the relationships between women and power and how this intersects with issues of rape and consent.

Bobbio, Norberto, Il Problema Della Guerra E Le Vie Della Pace, Bologna, Il Mulino, 1979, pp. 209

Bobbio discusses the interconnection of human rights, democracy and peace as central elements for the achievement of peace. He discusses nonviolence as a tool for establishing a condition of ‘institutional pacifism’ capable of regulating violence and managing the peaceful resolution of conflict.

Brancolini, Janna, #MeToo in Italy's Mafia Culture, International Policy Digest, 2018

Assessment of why Italian media have hounded individual women who went public about sexual assault, and why the Italian MeToo hashtag, #quellavoltache, only attracted a few hundred mentions on social media.  The author cites conclusion of a panel of journalists that a major reason is the mafia culture of silence and protecting one's own.  The emphasis on personal ties (clientalism) in the workplace, and the ethos of cronyism encouraged under former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi  (1990s-2000s) are also cited as reasons for Italy's misogyny. 

Bravo, Anna ; Buzzone, Anna M., In Guerra Senza Armi. Storie di Donne (1940-1945), Roma and Bari, Edizioni Laterza , 1995, pp. 236

Bravo and Buzzone collect biographical recounts and other documents that narrate women’s history in war. The authors argue that war cannot be a way to achieve progress, and debate the use of violence and on the rejection of violence. They also stress the importance of not underestimating civil and unorganised forms of struggle alongside more common forms of organised forms of resistance, and of including more on the contributions of women in the organisation and study of resistance movements.

Brown, Carrie ; Gielen, Uwe P. ; Gibbons, Judith L. ; Kuriansky, Judy, Women's Evolving Lives: Global and Psychosocial Perspectives, ed. Alexander, Amy, Cham, Switzerland, Springer, 2018, pp. 296

This wide-ranging collection analyzes the status and progress of women both in a national context and collectively on a global scale, as a powerful social force in a rapidly evolving world. The countries studied―China, India, Indonesia, Iran, Egypt, Cameroon, South Africa, Italy, France, Brazil, Belize, Mexico, and the United States―represent a cross-section of economic conditions, cultural and religious traditions, political realities, and social contexts that shape women’s lives, challenges, and opportunities. Psychological and human rights perspectives highlight worldwide goals for equality and empowerment, with implications for today’s girls as they become the next generation of women. Women’s lived experience is compared and contrasted in such critical areas as: home and work; physical, medical, and psychological issues; safety and violence; sexual and reproductive concerns; political participation and status under the law; impact of technology and globalism; country-specific topics.

Capitini, Aldo, Teoria Della Nonviolenza, Perugia , Edizioni del Movimento Nonviolento, 1980

Italian philosopher Aldo Capitini expounds the principles and practices which he regards as inherent in nonviolence and explains his own ethics-based philosophy, which informs his political analysis. He evaluates the role of the United Nations, the Cold War, the relations between Italy and Europe, the arguments for economic controls versus the free market, the global role of  the USA and the confrontation between East and West.  He argues that only an individual transformation of the actors concerned will favour the implementation of new forms of politics and, therefore, lead to new realities

Capitini, Aldo, Le Tecniche Della Nonviolenza, [1967], Roma, Edizioni dell'Asino, 2009, pp. 224

This works elucidates fundamental principles of nonviolence, and proposes a toolkit of nonviolent practices and techniques with reference to some of Capitini’s lived experiences in Italy and worldwide. To develop his argument, Capitini draws connections between ethics and politics, ends and means of both politics and social action, and between the rule of law and civil disobedience.

Cavadi, Augusto, Liberarsi Dal Dominio Mafioso, Bologna, Edizioni Dehoniane, 1993, pp. 47, pb

By recalling the trauma that society suffered following the homicides by the mafia organisation Cosa Nostra that took place in the Italian island of Sicily in 1992 - which involved more than 20 victims, including the judges Giovanni Falcone and Paolo Borsellino, their security and mafia informers -, Cavadi introduces some reflections on how every part of civil society is responsible for building a different society. He discusses the importance of awareness of how mafia works, alongside the importance of adopting a particular ideological, ethical, political, economic, and pedagogic orientation to solidify a strong anti-mafia movement.

Cavadi, Augusto, Strappare Una Generazione Alla Mafia. Lineamenti Di Pedagogia Alternativa, Trapani, Edizioni Di Girolamo, 2005, pp. 191

In this work, Cavadi argues that the anti-mafia movement should be as organised as mafia organisations are. He proposes that alongside the repressive forces of police and policing institutions, a predominant and pedagogical role should be fulfilled by schools, churches and social organisations and should aim at counterposing a moral and intellectual form of resistance to the mafia phenomenon.

Cavadi, Augusto, A Scuola Di Antimafia, Trapani, Edizioni Di Girolamo, 2007, pp. 294

This work comprises a theoretical discussion and proposed methodological tools for establishing a critical and comprehensive anti-mafia educational programme. It’s divided into five parts: theoretical aspects of anti-mafia education; pedagogical approaches; practical experiences; law procedures; available bibliographies on the topic.

Costantino, Salvatore, Raccontare Danilo Dolci. L’Immaginazione Sociologica. Il Sottosviluppo. La Costruzione Della Società Civile, Roma , Editore Riuniti, 2003, pp. 159

A collection of essays – including by Johan Galtung - on the life and work of Danilo Dolci, aimed at exploring his contribution to the practice of nonviolent civil resistance, to the project of building a resilient civil society and being an agent of change.

Dolci, Danilo, The Outlaws of Partinico, London, MacGibbon and Kee, 1960, pp. 316

Describes context of his campaigns – not much detail on the campaigns themselves.

Dolci, Danilo, Racconti Siciliani, [1963], Palermo, Sellerio Editore, 2008, pp. 428

These stories, which Dolci collected in Sicily, are the medium through which he elucidates the local dimension of the mafia – its action and influence in Sicily – and its wider impact in Italy and beyond. This is a record of how ordinary people coped with their suffering of violence, and it aims to transmit their vision of social justice. The work has an educational value.

Dolci, Danilo, Processo All’articolo 4, [1956], Palermo, Sellerio Editore, 2011, pp. 440

Dolci’s account of the ‘reverse strike’ by unemployed agricultural workers which he led in Partinico to repair a disused road, and his subsequent trial in 1956. The demonstration dramatised the extreme poverty endured in Sicily, while affirming the right to work inscribed in Article 4 of the Italian Constitution, and was supported by many of the unemployed, farmers and representatives of the labour movement. The reverse strike created a new form of nonviolent protest.

See also: Ancora del Mediterraneo (ed.) (2006), Perché L’Italia Diventi Un Paese Civile, Napoli: L’Ancora, pp. 153.

This covers the mass fast in San Cataldo, the subsequent reverse strike and the trial, and provides a chronology of the events leading to Dolci’s conviction.

Flam, Helena, States and Anti-Nuclear Movements, Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press, 1994, pp. 427

Deals with the anti-nuclear power movements and government responses to them and their demands in eight West European states – Austria, Britain, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden and West Germany.

Galtung, Johan, Ci Sono Alternative! Quattro Strade Per La Sicurezza, Torino, Edizioni Gruppo Abele , 1986

In this work Johan Galtung provides a conceptualisation of peace and security, with reference to the East-West conflict, the global balance of power, the disarmament issue and security policies. The analysis founded on his own epistemological approach to conflict resolution.

Galtung, Johan, Pace Con Mezzi Pacifici, [1996], Milano, Edizioni Esperia, 2000, pp. 499

In this study Galtung provides four major theoretical approaches to peace, including peace education and peace action. This work is divided into four parts: Peace Theory, where he elucidates the epistemological foundations of peace studies and the nature of violence; Conflict Theory, where he focuses on explaining the culture of conflict and moves onto discussing nonviolence as a tool for conflict resolution; Development Theory, where he illustrates the dynamics of structural violence (economic in particular); and Civilisation Theory, where he discusses cultural violence, cosmology, and what he terms ‘codes’ and ‘programmes’.

Giummo, Lucio C. ; Marchese, Carlo, Danilo Dolci E La Via Della Nonviolenza, Manduria, Bari and Roma, Piero Lacaita Editore, 2005, pp. 292

Giummo and Marchese collect the major inspiring ideas that Danilo Dolci used to project a model for development based on nonviolence, which has at its core the imperative of including all the population involved.

Impastato, Giovanni ; Vassia, Franco, Resistere A Mafiopoli. La Storia Di Mio Fratello Peppino Impastato, Viterbo, Stampa Alternativa, 2009, pp. 127

The story, narrated by his brother, of one of the most iconic figure of the anti-mafia struggle, Peppino Impastato, who revolted against the patriarchal structure of his family, went against his father who belonged to the Sicilian mafia organisation and ignited an anti-mafia culture and actions at the cost of his own life.

Kaltefleiter, Werner ; Pfaltzgraff, Robert L., Peace Movements in Europe and the United States, London, Croom Helm, 1985, pp. 211

Essays arising out of May 1984 conference at the Christian-Albrechts University, Kiel, on peace movements in Sweden, Norway, the Netherlands, West Germany, France, Italy, Britain and the US. Focus is on the anti-nuclear movements of the 1980s, though some contributors sketch the earlier history of movements in their countries.

L'Abate, Alberto, Riflessioni su “La Rivoluzione Disarmista” di Carolo Cassola (Rizzoli, 1983), a oltre trenta anni dalla sua pubblicazione, [2016], Torino, Centro Studi Sereno Regis, 2016

In this long article, L’Abate reflects on Cassola’ s work, La Rivoluzione Disarmista, which focuses on pursuing a nonviolent ‘disarming revolution’ aimed at strengthening fraternity amongst people and abolishing nuclear weapons. Starting from Cassola, L’Abate examines the relevance of nonviolent movements in Italy and worldwide, starting from those whose activity contributed to the adoption of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, signed in 1987 by Gorbachev and Reagan. He also sharply analyses the pervasive, global structural violence caused by the huge concentration of natural resources in the hands of a few, and reflects on how nonviolence can contribute to changing the current global financial system. L’Abate cites both Italian and internationally renowned authors on nonviolence, and proposes his solutions for overcoming the current state of affairs.

Available at

Malagreca, Miguel, Lottiamo Ancora: Reviewing One Hundred and Fifty Years of Italian Feminism, Journal of International Women's Studies, Vol. 7, no. 4 (May), 2006, pp. 69-89

Includes material on the second wave of Italian feminism in 1960s and 1970s and developments on divorce, family law and employment law in the 1970s and 1980s, Ends with some discussion of lesbian and queer struggles for recognition.

Martin, Rachel, #MeToo was a Rallying Cry at Women's Marches in Italy, Ms., 2018

The US feminist magazine reports that #quellavoltache  (MeToo) was a central theme of annual Women's Marches and rallies in Rome, Milan and Florence.   The Rome rally of hundreds of women was addressed by Asia Argento, who commented on the media abuse she had received after speaking out about being assaulted by Harvey Weinstein.  Representatives from the International Women's House and the Network of Women Against Violence, as well as a refugee woman activist, also spoke. 

McNeish, James, Fire Under the Ashes: The Life of Danilo Dolci, London, Hodder and Stoughton, 1965, pp. 256

Montessori, Maria, Educazione E Pace, [1949], Roma, Opera Nazionale Montessori, 2004, pp. 150

In this work, Maria Montessori elucidates her theory of education. She argues that children are the most important actors in a society and therefore stresses the role of education as a tool for building a culture of peace.

Nepstad, Sharon Erickson, Nonviolent Struggle: Theories, Strategies, and Dynamics, New York, Oxford University Press, 2015, pp. 264

Designed as a textbook, it covers history, theoretical developments and debates about the results of nonviolent movements. It categorizes nine types of nonviolent action, which are illustrated by case studies.  A separate chapter explores key issues of why and when sections of the armed services defect from a regime challenged by a nonviolent movement. 

Pannella, Marco ; Angioli, Matteo, Una Libertà Felice. La Mia Vita, Milano, Edizioni Mondadori , 2016, pp. 180

In this work, Marco Pannella, Italian journalist and politician, founder of the Partito Radicale Nonviolento Transnazionale e Transpartito (Nonviolent Radical Party, Transnational and Transparty (PRNTT)), narrates the story of his political life and devotion to nonviolence as the core principle of his political programme. He also narrates the hunger-strikes and dialogues he engaged in to pursue political objectives.

Further information about the Party can be found at, which is available in Italian, English, French, Russian, and Arabic.

The page dedicated exclusively to him can be found at 

Pinna, Pietro, Pietro Pinna. L’uomo che per primo disse no, 2012

In this short interview, Pinna recounts his reasons for becoming a conscientious objector and the impact this decision had within the political Italian context. Additionally, he elucidates the elements of nonviolent actions.   

Available on YouTube at: 

Pinna, Pietro, La mia obiezione, 2012

This interview is a message that Pinna sent to the conference marking the 40th Anniversary of the legal recognition of the right to conscientious objection held in Florence on 15th-16th December 2012. He narrates his experience during the Second World War and how this shaped his decision to object to military service on the ground of ‘conscience’. He then explains his position on the co-participation of civil society in war-making and arms production and finally touches upon nonviolent civil disobedience.

Available on YouTube at:

Polito, Pietro, Elogio Dell’Obiezione Di Coscienza, Miano, Edizioni Biblion, 2013, pp. 178

In this book, Polito analyses the philosophical conceptualisation of ‘conscience’, central to the elaboration of the ethical and moral tenets of the practice of objection to military service. Polito pays tribute to the most famous conscientious objectors who shaped the history of the Italian Republic and promoted nonviolent theory and techniques, such as Aldo Capitini – anti-fascist Italian political philosopher; Ada Gobetti – anti-fascist jourbalist; Norberto Bobbio – Italian philosopher, Sereno Regis – peace activist; Danilo Dolci – peace activist; Lorenzo Milani – priest and educator; Rodolfo Venditti – Italian judge and conscientious objection supporter; Goffredo Fofi- Italian author, and literature, drama and movie critic; and Pietro Pinna – Italian nonviolent activist. The book provides a refutation of the belief in the necessity of violence embedded in politics - even where it may seem justified as in preventive wars and humanitarian intervention.  Polito also argues that violence is at the root of the economic and financial global system that is becoming profoundly detrimental to the environment.

Pontara, Giuliano, La Personalità Nonviolenta, Torino, Edizioni Gruppo Abele, 1996, pp. 104

A discussion on the need to solidify a culture of nonviolence and peace education as the starting point for elaborating broader educational strategies and systems for peaceful coexistence.

Puglisi, Anna, Donne, Mafia E Antimafia, Trapani, Edizioni Di Girolamo , 2005, pp. 157

An analysis of the role that women had from the period of the ‘Fasci Siciliani’ (Sicilian Workers Leagues’ revolts) until now in changing the mafia culture and mafia organisations in Sicily.

Regis, Centro Studi Sere, Ricordando Pinna. Le lettere a Capitini”, 1st, 2nd and 3rd part, Torino, Centro Studi Sereno Regis, 2016

This is a series of letters that Pietro Pinna exchanged with Aldo Capitini, both key protagonists of the nonviolence movement in Italy in the aftermath of the Second World War. Their relationship proved to be fruitful for the elaboration of a theory on nonviolence and related techniques. The first set of letters from Pinna to Capitini depicts Pinna's thoughts and feelings following his decision to refuse military service and challenge the Italian government. The second set describes the supporting network that was formed around Pinna when he was in prison, awaiting his trial. This network ensured Pinna's case resonated with the public. The third set of letters starts from his release from prison and reveal the process of creating the Nonviolent Movement for Peace with Capitini.

Available at:

Resistencia, Mujeres Grabando, ¡Viva Nos Queremos! (Art) , NACLA Reports on the Americas, Vol. 50, no. 4, 2018, pp. 418-422

The initative of 14 women of capturing the feminist struggles through artistic production within the #VivaNosQueremos campaign. Many cities throughout the world joined the campaign and printmaking appeared in cities like Ciudad Juárez, Oaxaca, Mexico State, Puebla, New York, Chicago, Montreal and Barcelona as well as other countries like Costa Rica, Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Italy.

Ruggiero, Vincenzo, New social movements and the “centri sociali” in Milan, Sociological Review, Vol. 48, no. 3, 2000, pp. 167-188

Sanfilippo, Vincenzo, Il contributo della nonviolenza al superamento del sistema mafioso, [June 2003], Quaderni di Satyagraha,, no. 3, 2003, pp. 195-215

In this work, Sanfilippo provides a definition of nonviolence and elaborates on the Gandhian vision of the world. He also elaborates on the origin and root causes of the mafia system, according to which, he argues, a theory of systems is the necessary methodological and epistemological tool for the analysis of this phenomena and for building a nonviolent reaction against it. His perspective encompasses the cultural, economic, political, institutional, and social dimensions of the system where mafia organisations exist and where nonviolent antimafia movements need to be organised.

Sanfilippo, Vincenzo, Nonviolenza E Mafia. Idee Ed Esperienze Per Un Superamento Del Sistema Mafioso, Trapani, Edizioni Di Girolamo, 2005, pp. 158

By recalling Danilo Dolci’s pioneering role, this work explores the relationship between civil society, mafia and nonviolence, a theme that remains predominantly unexplored up to now. It’s a composition of arguments, opinions and experiences stemming from a dialogue between individuals and organisations that want to build a solid anti-mafia movement in Italy, with particular regard to the South.

Santino, Umberto, Peppino Impastato: alle radici dell'”antimafia difficile", [1998], Liberazione, 1998

This article briefly narrates the life of Giuseppe (aka, Peppino) Impastato, who initiated a cultural and political change that then gave rise to the anti-mafia movement from the 60s onwards. Impastato’s life is highly symbolic because of his political and civil anti-mafia struggle stemmed from his personal experience. In fact, he belonged to a family where his father was affiliated to the Mafia criminal organisation, and had his uncle murdered by them. Impastato’s revolt against some core members of his family, including his father, led to his murder in 1978, but he is still considered in Italy as one of the most iconic figures of the nonviolent anti-mafia struggle today.

Retrievable also at:

Santino, Umberto, Movimenti sociali e movimento antimafia, [May 2000], Città d'Utopia, no. 29, 2000, pp. 11-21

This long article highlights the three different periods of time that defined the anti-mafia movement, namely from 1891-1894 until 1950s; 1960s and 1970s; and from 1980s up to now. The analysis provides an initial understanding of the typology and tools of the anti-mafia struggle in each of these phases, alongside the ethical and cultural factors that supported it. The article also elucidates the social, economic and cultural composition of the mafia organisation as well as the anti-mafia movement and touches upon its development as a national movement, rather than configuring it as an issue concerning solely the island of Sicily. Finally, it depicts the peculiar characteristics of the anti-mafia movement and what differentiates it from social movements as traditionally considered, by contextualising the analysis within power relationships in Italy.

Santino, Umberto, Antimafia civile e sociale, [October 2003], Narcomafie, no. 10, 2003

This long article touches on the development of the anti-mafia movement and distinguishes within it civic anti-mafia and social anti-mafia. It delineates the developments that took place in three different periods of time in Italy: 1950s, that saw the birth of the nonviolent anti-mafia movement; the 1960s and 1970s, when socio-political-cultural aspects of the anti-mafia movement started to develop organically; up to the 1980s-1990s, a period that saw the development of the pacifist movement rising against the US militarisation of the Italian island of Sicily that paralleled the reinforcement of the anti-mafia movement and a stronger participation of organisations within it alongside individuals. It touches also on the growth of the anti-mafia movement outside the confines of Sicily, and its extension to the entire Italian peninsula, mainly because of the activity of teachers and students that facilitated the adoption of the first set of anti-mafia legislation and led to the removal from public offices of staff involved with the mafia organisation.  It also establishes a conceptual distinction between the anti-mafia movement and social movements as traditionally considered, and stresses the peculiar nature of the first as being pro-system and anti-system, simultaneously. Finally, it highlights the weak points that undermine the continuity and cohesiveness of the anti-mafia movements.

Retrievable also at:

Santino, Umberto, Nonviolenza, mafia e anti-mafia, Palermo, Centro Impastato, 2005

Santino analyses the Mafia organisation and social consensus. He sees in the latter a supportive element to mafia organisations as well as the ground on which it is possible to build forms of nonviolent education and practices that could lead to a change within the current system. He adopts a ‘paradigm of complexity’ at the foundation of the epistemological and methodological approach to the mafia phenomenon and identifies the limit of the military and repressive reaction against it. In so doing, he discusses what action civil society can undertake to sustain nonviolent forms of resistance against mafia.  

Santino, Umberto, Storia Del Movimento Antimafia. Dalla Lotta Di Classe All’Impegno Civile, Roma, Editori Riuniti , 2009, pp. 488

This work narrates the anti-mafia movement that started in Sicily at the end of the 19th century and extended to the entire Italian peninsula in more recent years. Santino recounts the origin of the Sicilian mafia organisation, the reactions to it by Italian institutions, and the socio-cultural context by drawing from different authors and first-hand interviews.

Solomon, Clare ; Palmieri, Tania, Springtime: The New Student Rebellions, ed. Snow, David A, Della Porta, Donatella, Klandermans, Bert, McAdam, Doug, London, Verso, 2011, pp. 256

Focuses on the widespread student protests in Britain in 2010, but also extends to Italy, France, Greece and the USA, as well as the beginning of the Arab uprisings in Tunisia. Includes texts from the past and reminders of 1968, as well as coverage of contemporary events, and political and theoretical commentaries from established and new voices.

Squatting Europe Kollektive, ; Cattaneo, Claudia ; Martínez, Miguel Ángel, The Squatters’ Movement in Europe: Commons and Autonomy as Alternatives to Capitalism, London, Pluto Press, 2014, pp. 288

Case studies from most of Europe (excluding eastern Europe and Greece) covering direct action to create social housing and other community services over 30 year period.

Terzani, Tiziano, Lettere Contro La Guerra, Milano, Edizioni Longanesi, 2002, pp. 196

A collection of letters following the attack in the US on 11th September 2001 that Terzani published in response to some declarations made by his colleague, Oriana Fallaci, on the same event. In his collection Terzani discusses the need to explore the root causes of violence and extremism within human nature. He also advocates nonviolence as the only creative response to conflict, alongside the necessity to reconstitute  the paradigms upon which the idea of Western globalisation rests.

Thompson, Ben, Comiso, London, Merlin Press jointly with END, 1982, pp. 17

Account of transnational direct action against nuclear missile base in Sicily.

Yeo, Andrew, Activists, Alliances and Anti-US Base Protests, New York, Cambridge University Press, 2011, pp. 240

Examines the impact of anti-base movements on politics, and the role of bilateral military alliances influencing results of protest. Findings drawn from interviews with activists, politicians and US base officials in the Philippines, Japan (Okinawa), Ecudaor, Italy and South Korea. See also: Yeo, Andrew , Anti-Base Movements in South Korea: Comparative Perspective on the Asia-Pacific The Asia Pacific Journal, 2010, pp. 39-73

Yeo, Andrew, Activists, Alliances and Anti-US Base Protests, New York, Cambridge University Press, 2011, pp. 240

Examines the impact of anti-base movements on politics, and the role of bilateral military alliances influencing results of protest. Findings drawn from interviews with activists, politicians and US base officials in the Philippines, Japan (Okinawa), Ecudaor, Italy and South Korea. See also: Yeo, Andrew , Anti-Base Movements in South Korea: Comparative Perspective on the Asia-Pacific The Asia Pacific Journal, 2010, pp. 39-73

Younge, Gary, What black America means to Europe, The New York Review Of Books, 2020

In this ‘Long Read’ article Younge discusses how protests for racial justice in the US from the Civil Rights Movement to Black Lives Matter have prompted expressions of European solidarity, but argues that the European continent must face its own predominant role in the history of slavery. (Also available on The Guardian, 11 June 2020.

For an overview on how the BLM 2020 protests have erupted across the African continent see also: O’Dowd, Peter and Allison Hagan, ‘Black Lives Matter Movement Resonates Across Africa’, WBUR, 12 June 2020

( and

Wallace, Julia, ‘Africa Declares Black Lives Matter’, Left Voice, 26 June 2020. (