You are here
Argentina
Edited every two years on the occasion of the European Union and Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (EU-CELAC) Summit, this fifth edition of the series ‘Feminicide: A Global Phenomenon’ addresses the chapter on gender from the Action Plan, and points to other initiatives aiming at eradicating feminicide/femicide, and also inspiring the implementation of the Action Plan EU-CELAC on this matter.
This report by the feminist civil society body, Urgent Action Fund of Latin America and the Caribbean, focuses on the role of women in protecting and defending nature, and warns of increasing risks to their lives and environment. The report discusses ‘the extractive model’ and the social-environmental conflicts it creates, and also the disturbing militarization and violations of women’s rights, including those defending their environment. The report outlines proposals made by women for defence of territory, and also stresses the diversity of the approaches, organizations and activities developed by Latin American women.
Highlights the organisation and impact of the October 19, 2016 Strike in Argentina - the first women’s strike in the history of the country (and Latin America), which alone mobilised 250,000 people in Buenos Aires. The strike inspired by the same initiative taken by Polish women, which extended to many countries in the world thanks to the coordination of groups activities, petitions sent to the UN and manifestos.
Highlights the initiatives undertaken by the EU and the UN in Guatemala and Mexico to tackle violence against women and girls. Other Latin American countries that are part of the project are El Salvador, Argentina and Honduras.
Reports on the revival of the #NiUnaMenos movement following the acquittal of two men accused of sexual violence and the murder of 16-year old Lucia Perez in the coastal city of Mar del Plata. It also provides data on femicide since 2008.
For the same event, see also http://time.com/5472053/argentina-protest-lucia-perez-ni-una-menos/.
Records the approval of the Micaela Law in December 2018, which made the training on gender and violence against women mandatory for all state officials and workers. It also summarises the key points of the Law.
Rita Segato, an Argentine-Brazilian academic and one of the most celebrated Latin American feminists, comments on the biases still affecting cases of femicide in Latin America due to the hyper machismo culture. She also discusses the need to unite academics working in the field of Communication, journalists and editors in order to promote discourses that encourage women to be seen as political actors rather than merely as victims.
Analysis of a selection of predominantly nonviolent struggles from Russia 1905 to Serbia 2000, arguing against ‘the mythology of violence’. Some of the case studies are standard in books on civil resistance, others – for example the 1990 movement in Mongolia – less familiar. Each chapter has a useful bibliography. The book arose out of a 1999 US documentary television series ‘A Force More Powerful’, now available on DVD, and therefore includes, in the more recent cases, information from interviews.
Collection of essays and documents, including materials on mothers’ resistance in Argentina, Chile, El Salvador, and Guatemala.
The chapters cover a wide range of countries and issues, including: The Korean Women’s Trade Union, the feminist movement in Indonesia, the Algerian ‘Twenty Years is Enough’ campaign, widening the base of the feminist movement in Pakistan, advocacy of women’s rights in Nigeria, re-politicizing feminist activity in Argentina, new modes of organizing in Mexico, and two chapters on Israel, one on an Arab women’s organization.
A manifesto inspired by the international women's strike, ‘NiUnaMenos’ in Argentina and other radical feminist actions. It argues for a linkage between feminism and LGBTQ+ rights and the struggle against neoliberal capitalism, and rejects the kind of liberal feminism (exemplified by Hillary Clinton) that seeks equal opportunities for women within an inherently oppressive system.
Presents two episodes in the 1990s as ‘founding events’ in the later cycle of protest.
The televising of Margaret Attwood's dystopian feminist novel The Handmaid's Tale has inspired activists in Argentina, Northern Ireland, the USA and London to wear the distinctive scarlet cloaks and white bonnets to protest for abortion rights and contraceptive rights and against President Trump. The article discusses with Attwood and others how the costume signifies subjection of women and works for protests.
This book uses case studies from a range of countries to provide a transnational and interdisciplinary analysis of trends in abortion politics, and considers how religion, nationalism, and culture impact on abortion law and access. It also explores the impact of international human rights norms and the role of activists on law reform and access to abortion. Finally the authors examine the future of abortion politics through the more holistic lens of ‘reproductive justice’. The countries included are: Argentina, Egypt, Northern Ireland, Republic of Ireland, South Africa, Uruguay and the US.
In-depth account of the organisation of #NiUnaMenos and the 2018 International Women’s Strike, elucidating how the strike became a decisive moment in the history of Argentina’s and Latin America’s feminist revolutions. The authors note the importance of the region as a laboratory for the imposition of high impact neoliberal economic policies. The process by which IWS has become successful is based on radicalization by mass mobilisation and inclusion and aims never to isolate sexual violence from the very complex entwinement of capitalism and machista violences (macho culture) that lies at the core of the capitalist system.
See also the recent discussion between Amy Risley and Brysk, pp. 83-113, in Goodwin; Jasper, Contention in Context: Political Opportunities and the Emergence of Protest (A. 6. Nonviolent Action and Social Movements) .
Reports on the Argentine government plans and the oil companies involved in exploitation of the Vaca Muerta formation, close to one of the country's most important water basins. The UN Committee on ESCR had warned in October that the project would have a serious impact on the climate and the local territory. Cabrera also notes that over 60 municipalities had banned fracking, but several of m these bans have been ruled unconstitutional for exceeding communal powers.
Documents impact of state terror on society in Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Uruguay from 1950s to 1980s, and the emergence of resistance in various sectors.
See also Dinerstein, Ana Cecilia, Workers’ factory takeovers and new state policies in Argentina: towards an “institutionalisation” of non-governmental public action? Policy & Politics, 2007, pp. 529-550 .
In addition to detailed analysis of Argentine, Brazil, Chile, and Uruguay, has comparative discussion with European dictatorships – Greece, Portugal, and Spain.
It examines the patriarchal structure of the football game that excludes women all across Latin America from the history of football.
Funes notes the legislative development in Argentina since 2009 to tackle femicide and the development of the #NiUnaMenos movement since 2015.
An account of the origin of #NiUnaMenos in Argentina, that arose prior to #MeToo in the USA – and of the progress the country achieved in tackling femicide. Although femicide and other forms of violence against women are still high and cruel, Argentina is the most advanced country within Latin America for the protection of women’s rights. The #NiUnaMenos movement was born in 2015 after a tweet by journalist Marcela Ojeda about the murder of Chiara Páez, 14-year old and pregnant. The young woman disappeared in May in Santa Fe province, and her body was found buried under the patio of her boyfriend's home. She had been beaten to death. Marcela Ojeda’s tweet “Women, together. Why don't we scream? THEY ARE KILLING US” gave rise to the start of #NiUnaMenos.
This article sheds light on women’s uprisings in Latin America and places particular emphasis on proposing a new framing for the struggles. Firstly, it stresses the need to revitalise a non-state centric type of politics. Secondly, it proposes the renewal of new forms of togetherness that could overpower patriarchal, colonial and capitalist structures. Thirdly, it argues the necessity to challenge the control exercised over women’s bodies and minds.
Garibotti and Hopp argue that even though anti-rape politics did not advance in any meaningful way in Argentina #MeToo provided feminists with an opportunity to access mainstream media and discuss their local agenda: the legalization of abortion. Due to the influence of #NiUnaMenos, another social media campaign that commenced in 2015, by the time #MeToo was launched in 2017, feminist movements were highly organized, had a clear agenda and used the opportunity to press for the legalization of abortion. The chapter shows how #MeToo provided a new arena for women’s voices and new ways of organizing feminist mobilization.
As a journalist in Argentina the author tried to compile a day-to-day chronicle of violence and repression – he was forced into exile in 1976.
Gutman reports on the initiative of the Argentine Actresses collective, a group created by 300 artistes in April 2018, when the country mobilised for the legislative debate on the decriminalisation of abortion. The mobilisation shed light also on the abuses that occurred within the entertainment industry, followed by scandals in the politics’ and sports’ sectors. The article outlines how reported femicides have been on the rise since the birth of #NiUnaMenos, which has promoted recognition of femicide, and the legal and protective initiatives that are taking place in the country thanks to the movement.
Report on the initiative of the Argentinian feminist organisation ‘Mujeres de la Matria Latinoamericana’ (MuMaLá) to call on the government to declare a national emergency after 27 confirmed femicides occurred between January and February 2019. The organisation has also submitted a petition highlighting the educational and legislative steps to take in order to reduce this form of violence.
Overview of opposition to fracking plans in Argentina, includinga provincial law in the province of Entre Rios to ban fracking (it is not directly involved in the plans) and Vista Alegre became the first municipality to ban fracking. The Supreme Court suspended the ban, but residents marched to the capital and blocked a highway to demonstrate their commitment to it. Brandon notes also that the Mapuche, the largest indigenous group in Argentina were mobilizing to resist the threats to their land, especially near the Vaca Muerte basin. (The article was reproduced from the Waging Nonviolence website.)
See also Platform London, 'UK-Argentina Fracking Talks Targeted by Protest', 22 May 2019.
https://platformlondon.org/p-pressreleases/uk-argentina-fracking-talks-targeted-by-protest/
See ‘IMF: Go To Hell. The People of Argentina have tried the IMF Approach; Now they want to govern the country’, pp. 51-55.
This thesis examines how government responses affected femicide rates in five selected countries: Costa Rica, Chile, Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico. The study is a qualitative comparative multi-case study using social inclusion and exclusion theory to understand if policies are inclusive or exclusive, and if the nature of legislation has an impact on the femicide rates.
The authors challenge the (dominant) one-sided representations of gender in the discourses on human rights, and also transitional justice (involving new approaches to redressing recent major suffering and oppression). They examine how transitional justice and human rights institutions, as well as political institutions, impact the lives and experiences of women with references to Argentina, Bosnia, Egypt, Kenya, Peru, Sierra Leone, and Sri Lanka. They focus especially, in a variety of contexts, on the relationships between local and global forces.
María Luengo looks at contemporary movements against femicide in Argentina and at the role the civil sphere plays in creating forms of solidarity with transversal and global links that unite various groups of different beliefs and ideologies. She also sheds light on how the #NiUnaMenos movement is helping to reverse the trend of polarisation within and degradation of the discourse on human rights.
In a positive light, Belski discusses the advances in the fight to legalise abortion in Argentina, despite the Senate refusing to pass a bill legalising abortion in 2018. She notes the change in language by the media whilst referring to women and men; the establishment of mainstream discourses on sexual harassment and gender-based violence, and the recognition of the symbolic power of the handkerchiefs that identify the widespread pro-choice movement in Argentina and the rest of Latin America.
See also http://socialistworker.org/2018/08/16/the-people-versus-the-parliament-in-argentina
For the re-launch of the campaign for legal abortion see https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/02/abortion-rights-campaigners-flood-streets-buenos-aires-190220143549930.html
Examines the factors that could contribute to reduce femicides in Argentina, such as training for state and security personnel, and judicial workers; sex education programs in academia and public schools and the inclusion of women journalists within the broader #NiUnaMenos movement. She also argues that the inclusion of climate justice and structural transformation within the patriarchal system can further contribute to the reduction of femicide.
By one of the founding Madres.
Studies military rebellions after return to civilian government in 1982.
See also: Lopez Levy, Marcela , We Are Millions: Neo-Liberalism and New Forms of Political Action in Argentina London, Latin America Bureau, , 2004 . Includes brief reference to millions demonstrating in support of President Alfonsin after a military uprising in a barracks in Argentina, Easter 1987, against trials of military for the ‘Dirty War’ (pp. 41 and 122), and explains broader context.
For background on Argentina’s politics.
Reports on the pressure from multinational companies to extract hydrocarbons from rocks through fracking in Bolivia, Columbia, Venezuela, Paraguay, Chile, Argentina, Brazil and Mexico, and documents the harmful environmental effects including contamination of water supplies. The report also notes the growing resistance in Mexico, Brazil and Argentina to fracking, for example the No Fracking Brazil Coalition (Coesus) protests outside the offices of fossil fuel companies tendering for areas to frack in October 2015, with international support.
Introduction to the December 2018 issue, which presents, amongst other topics, essays and articles on the daily resistance against anti-Black state violence in Brazil; the demonstration of women wearing green handkerchiefs and claiming spaces in Argentina; the role of Ixil women in rebuilding communal structures post-genocide; the searches for the disappeared in Mexico; women’s struggle against oil exploitation; the organisation of LGBTI+ community members’ forms of resistance for immigrant justice; and the revisitation of the #NiUnaMenos movement.
Highlights the impetus that the National Wommen’s Strike on 19 October 2016 gave to the further development of the movement ‘Ni Una Menos’ in Latin America and the links it revealed between the most dramatic forms of violence against women such as femicide, rape and physical violence, to the more normalised forms of exploitation of women’s abilities in the context of neoliberalism.
Provides historical background to the formation of the #NiUnaMenos movement in Argentina in 2015, which extended to other parts of Latin America, and gives an account of the demands, which were taken up by the government.
See also a more recent article on the development of the movement https://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/while-u-s-has-metoo-latin-america-s-ni-una-n875091.
Reports the jubilation of pro-choice demonstrators in Buenos Aires after the Senate (which had voted down legalization of abortion in 2018) passed a law allowing termination in the first 14 weeks of pregnancy for any reason. Argentina became then third South American country (after Uruguay and Guyana) to decriminalize abortion, and there are likely to b repercussions across the region. The authors summarize the five years of mass campaigning by the women’s movement in Argentina that led to this result.
See also: ‘Green Wave, Blue Water: Abortion in Latin America’, Economist, 9 Jan. 2021, pp.41-2.
This article discusses the significance of and probable repercussions of the legalization of abortion in Argentina, in the context of the generally very restrictive position in many other countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. The article notes the possible positive repercussions in Peru and Mexico and that legalizing abortion may be raised in proposed constitutional change in Chile. But the article also warns that the Argentinian law will mobilize forces strongly opposed to abortion.
Story of six Maolucho women from the Campo Maripe community in the Argentine Patagonia, who have resisted fracking where they live by chaining themselves to fracking rigs and barricades. Pineiro represents the women as representative of the Latin American wide resistance by indigenous women to oil extraction.
Discusses Senate vote against legalising abortion in Argentina.
See also https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/aug/10/argentina-women-abortion-hollow-senate-victory
Mariana Prandini examines how Brazilian feminists mobilized against the criminalization of abortion in August 2018, when people from different countries in Latin America gathered for a week for the Festival for Women’s Lives. Brazilian, Uruguayan and Argentinian activists exchanged information about their own struggles for abortion rights. Prandini also analyses the criminalization of the abortion pill and its effect on abortion activism in Brazil.
Chapter by Juan E. Corradi on ‘The Culture of Fear in Civil Society’, pp. 113-129.
The initative of 14 women of capturing the feminist struggles through artistic production within the #VivaNosQueremos campaign. Many cities throughout the world joined the campaign and printmaking appeared in cities like Ciudad Juárez, Oaxaca, Mexico State, Puebla, New York, Chicago, Montreal and Barcelona as well as other countries like Costa Rica, Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Italy.
This book, edited by the international coordinator of Ecologistas en Accion, covers 15 varied struggles against fracking around the world, and is intended to be a source of inspiration for continued resistance. Many are first person accounts, by those involved. Chapters cover personal opposition fracking in the courts or at the municipal level, resistance by local farmers to corporations backed by the government, as in Poland and Romania and the campaign for 'frack free' municipalities in the Basque territory of Spain. There are also accounts of resistance from Argentina, Algeria, South Africa, Australia, the UK (against drilling in Sussex) and Northern Ireland, and on the role of ATTA C in France. Includes a timeline and 'some snapshots' of the resistance, as well as some conclusions drawn by the editor.
A report on the development of the movement ‘Nosotras Proponemos’ (We Propose) demanding gender equality in the art world and the initiatives that art museums and art centres across the country are embarking on in response to the movement’s proposals.
Rita Segato, an Argentine-Brazilian academic and one of the most celebrated Latin American feminists, comments on the biases still affecting cases of femicide in Latin America due to the hyper machismo culture. She also discusses the need to unite academics working in the field of Communication, journalists and editors in order to promote discourses that encourage women to be seen as political actors rather than merely as victims.
Looks back at the 1975 Iceland women's strike at the start of the UN Decade for Women; the 8 March 2000 Global Women's Strike, the 2016 Polish women's strike to resist successfully anti-abortion legislation, the 2017 Argentina women's mass demonstration against the rape and murder of women, and the cooperation between women in Poland and Argentina in 2017 to coordinate the International Women's Strike.
Covers campaigns in Argentina, Chicago (USA), France, Ukraine, Turkey, Egypt, South Korea and China.
Barbara Sutton collects stories of women in Argentina who have been tortured in clandestine detention. Her work centres on three main questions: how did gender hierarchies, ideologies and identities play out in the infliction of bodily oppression; in the disavowal of the tortured body; and in embodied strategies of survival and resistance. She also asks how can we account for the gendered tortured body and how do we tell stories about it.
Explores the criminalization of abortion in Argentina and its implications for the lives of women, such as maternal mortality and clandestine practice. The article also covers the struggle of feminist activists to include reproductive rights within the framework of human rights.
'Ni Una Menos', an Argentine feminist movement, has spread throughout Latin America largely due to its use of social media. The organisation is able to hold to account both the Argentine government and society overall, keeping women’s rights in the spotlight. This study examines ‘Ni Una Menos’ Twitter account since its formation in 2015, in order to understand how the organization has evolved over time, and how it continues to fight for women’s rights.
Polly Terzian did a study on the development of the ‘NiUnaMenos’ movement in Argentina and raises issues about the historical participation of women in politics. Gender violence and femicide are connected to the analysis of legal issues surrounding them. She also considers the mobilisation of women and the visibility of violence against women in the media landscape.
Journalist Karla Zabludovsky recalls the horrific murder of Micaela Garcia for her 'NiUnaMenos' activism in April 2017and how the movement developed in Argentina since her death.
Reports on three major Latin American countries, Argentina, Colombia and Mexico that witnessed mobilizations against femicide and gender-based crimes in February 2019 comments also on the social and human rights organisations that are demonstrating against gender-based violence.
The author analyzes the nature and power of extractive industries, their impact on local people, and how they prompt active resistance in North and Latin America. The book covers a wide range of extractive industries, including logging, hydroelectric dams, mining, and oil and natural gas.
A Guide to Civil Resistance
Volume One
Volume Two
The online version of Vol. 1 of the bibliography was made possible due to the generous support of the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict (ICNC). ICNC is an independent, non-profit educational foundation that develops and encourages the study and use of civilian-based, nonmilitary strategies aimed at establishing and defending human rights, democratic self-rule and justice worldwide.
For more information about ICNC, please see their website.
The online version of Vol. 2 of the bibliography was made possible due to the generous support of The Network for Social Change. The Network for Social Change is a group of individuals providing funding for progressive social change, particularly in the areas of justice, peace and the environment.
For more information about The Network for Social Change, please visit their website.
esistance.info
