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Evans, Gwynfor, The Fight for Welsh Freedom, Caernarfon, Y Lolfa, 2000 , pp. 176

Covers Plaid Cymru, history and Welsh politics and government. An earlier book by Evans from the same publisher is: Gwynfor Evans, Fighting for Wales, Talybont, Y Lolfa, 1992 , pp. 221

, Joseph Rotblat: Visionary For Peace, ed. Braun, Reiner; Krieger, David; Kroto, Harold; Milne, Sally, Weinheim, Wiley-VCH, 2007 , pp. 355

A series of essays on the life of Joseph Rotblat, British physics and Nobel Peace Prize recipient, including his activism for the abolition of nuclear weapons.

D'Anieri, Paul, Explaining the success and failure of post-communist revolutions, 39 3 (Special Issue ‘Democratic Revolutions in Post-Communist States’, ed. Taras Kuzio) 2006 , pp. 331-350

Argues that while most studies focus on grassroots movements, elites – especially security services – are crucial in determining whether movements reach a ‘tipping point’. Illustrates argument by comparing two ‘failed revolutions’ (Serbia 1996-97 and Ukraine 2001) with two ‘successful revolutions’ (Serbia 2000 and Ukraine 2004-2005). [Compare with Anika Locke Binnendijk, Ivan Marovic, Power and persuasion: Nonviolent strategies to influence state security forces in Serbia (2000) and Ukraine (2004) (D. II.1. Comparative Assessments) above.]

Murungi, Kiraitu, President Moi and the Decline of Democracy in Kenya, 8 4 1991 , pp. 3-18

Theodorakis, Mikis, Journals of Resistance, London, Hart-Davis Mac Gibbon, 1973 , pp. 334

Theodorakis, whose music was banned by the Colonels, was a prominent member of the broad-based Patriotic-Front Movement created in May 1967 to oppose the junta. Like hundreds of other members, he was imprisoned. This book recounts his successive arrests, internment and imprisonment, until external intervention secured his release from a prison hospital in 1970.

Buchan, James, Impasse in Iran, 59 (Sept./Oct.) 2009 , pp. 73-87

Mostly an analysis of broader Iranian history, but discusses June 2009 protests and their aftermath.

Mason, Paul, Why Its Kicking Off Everywhere: The New Global Revolutions, London, Verso, 2012 , pp. 237

Wide-ranging exploration, by BBC economics journalist, of campaigns round the world since 2008, including the Arab uprisings of 2011, but mainly focused on resistance to economic policies and including accounts of protest in UK, USA and Greece. Discusses economic and social causes of unrest and role of new communications.

Doherty, Brian, Green Parties, Nonviolence and Political Obligation, In Brian Doherty, Marius de Geus, Democracy and Green Political Thought, London, Routledge, 1996 , pp. 36-55

Discusses role of nonviolence in Green thought (and in original policy of German Greens) and case for nonviolent protest.

De Benedetti, Charles, The Antiwar Movement of the Vietnam Era, ed. Chatfield, Charles, Syracuse NY, Syracuse University Press, 1990 , pp. 495

Detailed and well researched account. Final chapter by Charles Chatfield analyses the strengths and weaknesses of the movement and influence on US policy. Concludes that anti-war activists contributed to the growth of public disaffection with the war, but could not harness it, but that both Johnson and Nixon Administrations adapted their policies in response to pressure from dissenters.

Hill, Marc, Nobody: Casualties Of America’s War On The Vulnerable, From Ferguson To Flint And Beyond, New York, Atria , 2016 , pp. 273

African-American Studies scholar and policy analyst Marc Lamont Hill examines the interlocking mechanisms of unregulated capitalism, public policy, and social practice in the US. His work starts recounting one of the most salient event that gave birth to the Black Lives Matter movement: the shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, in 2014. More precisely, the narration spans different periods of time, starting with the grand jury testimony of Darren Wilson, the officer who killed Michael Brown, and then looks back at the 1939 World’s Fair and Le Corbusier’s lofty ideas about urban renewal. It moves forward in time again to the development of the Pruitt-Igoe public housing projects in St. Louis, completed in 1955 and demolished twenty years later, with many of the displaced residents having to move to Ferguson and face a climate of socio-cultural deprivation. Hill terminates his narration in Flint, Michigan, where the American city’s population ended up being poisoned by lead in the water.

Hill’s work is an account of the systematically disadvantaged identities - “those marked as poor, black, brown, immigrant, queer, or trans” – by a system that treats them as nobody, and makes them disposable, vulnerable and invisible. This work has been praised for enriching the contemporary canon of US civil rights literature not only because it captures the systemic nature of inequality in US society, but also because of his positive conclusion on the transformative power of organising, the most recent version of which lies in the Black Lives Matter movement.

, Moroccan Feminisms: New Perspectives, ed. Ennaji, Moha; Sadiqi, Fatima; Vintges, Karen, Trenton, NJ, Africa World Press, 2016 , pp. 260

The authors explores the various aspects of Moroccan feminism from a historical, sociological and comparative perspective. They discuss women and politics, women’s NGOs, female identities, women and Sufism, and their role in the 20 February Movement (20 February 2011 – March/April 2012). They also cover women’s role in society in general, from various but inter-related perspectives: secular, Islamic, grassroots, etc.

See also Ennaji, Moha (2020) ‘Women’s activism in North Africa: a historical and socio-political approach’ in Darhour, Hanane and Drude Dahlerup (eds) (2020) Double-Edged Politics on Women’s Rights in the MENA Region. Gender and Politics, Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 157-178.

Analyses women’s activism strategies in Tunisia and Morocco directed at transforming gender roles; pursuing better legal rights and women’s progress in the public sphere; opposing violence and discrimination against women, and trying to consolidate democracy in the aftermath of the Arab Spring.

, ECLAC: At least 2,795 were victims of femicide in 23 countries of Latin America and the Caribbean in 2017, Gender Equality Observatory for Latin America and the Caribbean 2017

Stressing the need to create inter-agency agreements, the 2017 Economic Commission for the Latin America and the Caribbean’s report on femicide shows that Brazil topped the list of femicides (with 1,133 victims confirmed in 2017). In 2016, Honduras recorded 5.8 femicides for every 100,000 women. In Guatemala, the Dominican Republic and Bolivia, high rates were also seen in 2017, equal to or above 2 cases for every 100,000 women. In the region, only Panama, Peru and Venezuela have rates below 1.0. In the Caribbean, four countries accounted for a total of 35 femicide victims in 2017: Belize (9 victims), the British Virgin Islands (1), Saint Lucia (4) and Trinidad and Tobago (21). In the same year, Guyana and Jamaica — which only have data on intimate femicides — reported the deaths of 34 and 15 women, respectively, at the hands of their current or former partners. In 2017, the rates of intimate femicides in Latin America ranged between a maximum of 1.98 for every 100,000 women in the Dominican Republic, to a minimum of 0.47 in Chile.

Paxton, George, Nonviolent Resistance to the Nazis, Bishops Castle UK, YouCaxton Publications, 2016 , pp. 252

The author draws on existing literature to summarise a wide range of hidden, semi-open and overt nonviolent forms of resistance to Nazism inside Germany itself and in German-occupied Europe. Examples range from hiding and rescuing Jews (on an individual basis inside Germany and elsewhere, but also rescuing almost all the Jewish population in Denmark), graffiti, leaflet distribution, underground newspapers, boycotts, and  the demonstration by non-Jewish wives of Jews against the deportation of their husbands.  Not a scholarly treatise, but a source for important examples of  courageous resistance  (though their effectiveness is sometimes debatable). Paxton argues success would have been most likely if resistance tactics had been adopted at an early stage in the rise of Nazism.

Monk, Ray; Salmon, Ruth, How to Get to Net Zero, 7-13 Feb 2020 , , pp. 33-37

After surveying the scope of the problems caused by climate change, the article provides a useful critique of the UK government's approach to fulfilling its target of net-zero carbon emissions by 2050, drawing on points made by the UK Committee on Climate Change (the independent statutory body set up in 2008 under the Climate Change Act). The authors conclude that so far the government has failed to make definite plans for housing and heating, industrial emissions, carbon capture and storage, agriculture, aviation and shipping. The article notes also the excessive reliance on electric vehicles to solve road transport emissions, as this could create a dangerous demand for relatively rare minerals like cobalt and lead to new ecological problems. The authors point to the potential of hydrogen fuel cells, but they also argue for simply reducing car use.  

, Six Months On. Gaza's Great March of Return, , pp. smaller than 0

After summarizing the dire economic and social conditions among the 1.9 million Palestinians in Gaza (70 per cent of whom are registered as refugees from other parts of Israeli territory) after years of blockade and damage from military attacks, Amnesty focuses on the destructive Israeli military reaction to the Great March.

See also: Wispelwey, Bram and Yasser Abu Jamel. 'The Great March of Return: Lessons from Gaza on Mass Resistance and Mental Health', HHR: Health and Human Rights Journal, vol. 22 no. 1 (June 2020), pp. 179-86.

The article describes how the blockade and Israeli attacks have undermined mental health in the community.  The authors assess the positive impact on communal mental health created initially by the March of Return resistance movement.  But they argue that this has been offset by the impact of death, disability and trauma many have suffered as a result, and by the longer-term failure to achieve better conditions. The authors then examine what health workers can learn about the 'psychosocial consequences of community organizing’.

Payne, Charles, I’ve Got the Light of Freedom: The Organising Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle, 1995 Berkeley CA, University of California Press, 2007 , pp. 525

Thorough study of grass-roots activism in Mississippi, with useful bibliographical essay.

See also commentary by Francesca Polletta in Jeff Goodwin, James M. Jasper, Contention in Context: Political Opportunities and the Emergence of Protest (A. 6. Nonviolent Action and Social Movements) , pp. 133-152.

Eglitis, Olgerts, Nonviolent Action in the Liberation of Latvia, Cambridge MA, Albert Einstein Institution, 1993 , pp. 72

Brown, Louise, The Challenge to Democracy in Nepal, New York, Routledge, 1996 , pp. 239

Covers historical background, earlier attempts at democratization and the evolution of political parties. It draws on extensive interviews. See especially chapter 5 for the resistance movement.

Yanes Berrios, Blanca; Lopez, Omar, Cultural action for liberation in Chile, In Philip McManus, Gerald Schlabach, Relentless Persistence: Nonviolent Action in Latin America (E. IV.1. General and Comparative Studies) Philadelphia PA, New Society Publishers, 2004 , pp. 117-135

Discusses role of SERPAJ in struggle for survival by poor, including community organization and ingenious protests against hunger and unemployment, e.g. blocking supermarket checkouts with trolleys.

, Revolt and Crisis in Greece: Between a Present Yet to Pass and a Future Still to Come, ed. Vradis, Antonis; Dalakoglu, Dimitris, Edinburgh and London, A.K. Press and Occupied London, 2011 , pp. 378

Wide range of contributors, including David Graeber, on economic meltdown in Greece and popular responses to government’s extreme austerity programme.

Nehring, Holger, Politics of Security: British and West German Protest Movements in the Early Cold War 1945-1970, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2013 , pp. 368

Discusses cultural and social bases of protest against nuclear weapons, role of nationalism in the movements, and importance of British types of activism for German protest in light of experience in World War Two and the cold war. See also: Holger Nehring, Demonstrating for “Peace” in the Cold War: The British and West German Easter Marches 1958-64, In Matthias Reiss, The Street as Stage: Protest Marches and Public Rallies since the Nineteenth Century, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2007 , pp. 352 pp. smaller than 0 , chap. 15; Holger Nehring, National Internationalists: British and West German Protests Against Nuclear Weapons, the Politics of Transnational Communication and the Social Hisotry of the Cold War 1957-1964, 2005 , pp. 559-582 .

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