F.5. New Global Feminist Wave, 2017 onwards

Feminist activism since 2017 has marked a significant new stage in the evolution of the struggle for women's rights worldwide, launching new movements, but also seeing the continuation (and in some cases success) of longer term struggles. Women's struggles cover many areas and vary within social and cultural contexts, but crucial issues are: political representation; economic justice (better pay and conditions for millions exploited and underpaid, and equal opportunities at work); women's control over their own bodies (including the right to contraception and to abortion on reasonable terms); and prevention of sexual harassment, rape and violence against women. Important struggles are also occurring to resist various forms of social and religious discrimination and coercive control. There has been increased coverage of women's campaigns in mainstream media, and greater responsiveness by prestigious institutions and some governments as well as international organizations. Recent campaigns have also included a major role for social media.

This new wave of activism was signaled by the 21 January 2017 Women's March in Washington in the US to coincide with President Trump's inauguration, when many thousands demonstrated against the sexist culture personified by Trump. Organizers of the March also promoted the hashtag #ADayWithoutAWoman on March 8, 2017 in the US, when many went on strike or demonstrated in other ways to demand women's rights. The US protest was part of the International Women's Strike on Women's Day, jointly inspired by Polish women, who had successfully demonstrated in their thousands in 2016 to prevent a stricter abortion law, and Argentinian women who in 2016 launched the #NiUnaMenos ('NotOneLess') protests after the murder of a 16-year old girl - protests that spread to Chile, El Salvador, Brazil and other countries. The International Women's Strike (also known as 'Paro International de Mujeres'), coordinated between 30 countries in 2017 and taking place in 50 countries worldwide, has been repeated in 2018 and 2019. It has antecedents in earlier women's strikes and in the Global Women's Strike launched in 2000.

Women living in very restrictive regimes have been prevented from demonstrating openly and internet campaigns are closed down. The Chinese government jailed five women who planned to hand out stickers against sexual harassment on public transport on Women's Day 2015. The government bowed to international pressure to release the 'Feminist Five', but has tried systematically to suppress feminist activism since. However, thousands of women and men signed #MeToo petitions at universities in January 2018, and there is a flourishing feminist network within universities. Public defiance is represented by a woman who worked for state-run TV and is suing a celebrated TV presenter for groping her.

International bodies have highlighted continuing inequality and the need for action. The UN initiated the #DayoftheGirlChild in 2012 to focus attention on the challenges girls face and to promote their empowerment, and has marked the day on 11 October each year since. Celebrations gained in significance in 2017 and in 2018 world leaders pledged on the day to achieve gender equality by 2030. The Nobel Peace Prize was also awarded in 2018 to draw attention to the brutal and often systematic use of rape as a weapon of war, and to honour the work of the Yazidi human rights activist Naida Murad and the physician and gynaecologist Denis Mukwege from the Democratic Republic of Congo. Naida Murad was abducted in Iraq by ISIS after an attack on her village, as part of the ISIS campaign to exterminate the Yazidi minority, and kept as a sex slave. After her escape she publicized her experiences and campaigned for other women enduring similar horrors. Mukwege has devoted himself since 1999 to trying to repair the damage caused by violent rapes perpetrated during the civil war in DRC, and has continued despite death threats. The Nobel Prize reflects the spirit of International Women Human Rights Defenders Day on 29 November, backed by the UN Human Rights Council, which honours women who work for human rights of others, despite misogyny and often at risk of violence or death. It also honours men who campaign for equality.

Protesting against the prevalence of rape, discriminatory treatment of raped women and the responses of the courts has been central to many women's movements worldwide, as has the broader issue of violence against women, from 2017 onwards.The pivotal character of 2017 is largely due to the global development of the #MeToo movement. This hashtag was originally launched in 2006 by the US activist and community organizer Tarana Burke, to provide support for survivors of sexual violence, especially for Black women and girls and other women of colour from poorer communities. The original ‘MeToo’ campaign promotes digital community building and connects survivors to legal advice and other resources, and promotes research.

Evolution of #MeToo

The pivotal character of 2017 is due as well to the global development of the #MeToo movement. This hashtag was originally launched in 2006 by the US activist and community organizer Tarana Burke, to provide support for survivors of sexual violence, espeically for Black women and girls and other women of colour from poorer communities. The original MeToo campaign promotes digital community building and connects survivors to legal advice and other resources, and promotes research.

The hashtag became widely known after it was used by US actor Alyssa Milano on 15 October 2017, and then spread very rapidly as over 70 women made allegations of sexual abuse against Hollywood film producer Harvey Weinstein. The hashtag was used over 200,000 times by the end of the day andwas tweeter more than 500,000 times the following day. It was also used on Facebook by 4.7 million in 12 million posts during the first 24 hours.

Use of #MeToo has helped to broaden discussion about domestic violence and to make it inclusive of women from all backgrounds. It has also raised awareness of sexual harassment and violence in a range of professions, such as the Church, education, politics, the military, the finance sector and sport, and helped to imrpove media coverage of the incidence of s exual violence and harassment.

The Hollywood scandal unleashed by #MeToo contributed to the launch on 1 January 2018 of the #TimesUp Legal Defence Fund, created by Hollywood celebrities to focus on sexual harassment in the workplace. The purpose was to raise money for legal action by those who have limited or no access to the mass media or finance, and to hold companies that tolerate sexual harassment to account. The Fund collected over $20 million and hired over 200 volunteer lawyers in its first year.

The Me Too campaign has spread to at least 85 countries (that have coined their own hashtags). They include Afghanistan, Argentina, Australia, Canada, Chile, Ethiopia, France, Germany, Iran, Israel, Italy, Japan, Kenya, Korea, Mongolia and Palestine. Women in Morocco, for example, demonstrated in November 2018 against sexual .harassment, using #Masaktach to raise awareness and organize forms of protest.

Me Too has attracted criticism: for example that it risks re-trumatizing women, that fact checking is weak, and that minority women are not properly represented. Tarana Burke (the originator of the hashtag) has expressed concern that a movement which focuses on survivors of sexual violence could either be seen as a vindictive plot against men, or could risk neglecting survivors who are not in the limelight. However, the campaign has improved media coverage of harassment cases. (See thereport by the Women’s Media Center (WMC): http://www.womensmediacenter.com/assets/site/reports/media-and-metoo-how-a-movement-affected-press-coverage-of-sexual-assault/Media_and_MeToo_Womens_Media_Center_report.pdf).

When five men were acquitted on rape charges in Pamplona, Spain, in April 2018, women demonstrated and created the hashtag Cuentalo ('Tell It'). This protest spread to Latin America, where women came onto the streets to denounce the pervasive gender violence in the region. (The UN Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean estimates that each day 12 Latin American women are murdered) Demonstrations took place in Mexico City in March 2018 to demand justice for women survivors of violence (Mexico is one of the most dangerous places in the world for women). A year earlier at the Miss Peru 2017 beauty contest, participants refused to read out their bust and hip measurements and read out instead statistics about violence of various kinds against women and young girls.

At the other side of the world, women in Nepal demonstrated in 2018 under the slogan 'RageAgainst Rape', after the rape and murder of a 13 year old girl, protesting against a police culture of victim blaming. In Africa UN Women launched the #HearMeToo-End Violence Against Women campaign in 2011, which has led to further hashtag campaigns, such as #YourVoiceIsPower in Libya and #CountToTen in South Africa, as well as demonstrations and educational initiatives across the continent. Women in Nairobi, Kenya, marked Women's Day in 2019 with a demonstration outside parliament against the rising number of women being killed.

Feminists have also long been challenging the belief that women who are raped may bring it upon themselves by the way they dress. When in November 2018 a jury in Cork, Ireland, acquitted a man accused of raping a 17-year old, because she was wearing a lace front thong that suggested she was willing to have sex, hundreds of women shared photographs of their own underwear on social media with the caption #ThisIsNotConsent; a few women also marched in underwear to protest.

‘MeToo’ highlighted the prevalence of physical sexual harassment, as well as the widespread promotion of pornographic images of women, and prompted a world-wide response. Women in Brazil in 2018 used the Rio Carnival (where violence against women had been rife in previous years) to campaign, giving out stickers with slogans such as 'My Breast, My Rules', 'No is No' and 'Grabbing me won't get you a kiss'. Women in Kenya launched the #MyDressMyChoice campaign against sexual harassment and assault. Similar protests took place in Liberia, South Africa and Nigeria. In India, where a widespread culture of sexual harassment and rape is also prevalent, ‘MeToo’ struck a chord and led to many accusations of harassment in the press, politics and the film industry in 2017-18. On 8 September 2018, four nuns went on hunger strike against a bishop, Franco Mullackal, accused of harassment in Thiruvananthapuram, the capital city of the Indian state of Kerala. Their protest, which was supported also by some Muslim women, led to bishop Mullackal being deposed after two weeks and put on trial. Women in Mongolia, who had by 2017 already waged a successful four year campaign to make domestic violence a crime, launched a new campaign in 2018 for a law against sexual harassment in the workplace.

‘MeToo’ also prompted a wave of activism in South Korea, with regular demonstrations in the capital. Issues included opposition to spycam videos of women secretly filmed in public spaces: women marched in August 2018 under the slogan 'I Am Not Your Porn'. Women also began to protest in December 2018 against the very restrictive dress and beauty standards imposed on them - one in three women have had plastic surgery and are criticised for wearing spectacles in public. Demonstrators destroyed make-up and a woman TV presenter wore her glasses. Invasion of personal privacy to produce porn was an issue also taken up in Britain by Gina Martin, who was the victim of a man at a festival who secretly photographed up her skirt and shared the picture with friends. She launched the campaign #StopSkirtingtheIssue, and lobbied for a law against upskirting. After a Private Member's bill was defeated in the Commons, the government backed legislation covering England and Wales, which was passed early in 2019 (Scotland already had a law against it).

Political and Economic Developments

The ‘MeToo’ movement has drawn renewed attention to the long struggles by women round the world to gain political influence and power. Prejudice and harassment may undermine women in politics even after they have established their presence at the top. In Australia two women MPs resigned from the ruling Liberal Party in the Federal parliament in 2018-19, complaining about gender bias and a culture of bullying and intimidation. But the primary struggle is to secure political representation.

Women's presence in national parliaments and in government has generally lagged behind their getting the vote and gaining social and economic freedoms. But it has often also reflected progress in other spheres, as in Scandinavia, where parliamentary representation has tended to be relatively good (for example 44% in Sweden's lower house in 2016). The existence of an active women's movement may also have an impact. For example, Spain got its first female-majority government in June 2018, when 11 women and six men were appointed to the Prime Minister's cabinet: the major demonstration on Women's Day on March 8 is seen as contributing to this result.

Nevertheless, there is not a straightforward correlation between women's general progress, or women's activism, and their presence at the top of national politics. National contexts vary widely. The astonishing fact that in in 2016 women represented 64% of the lower house of Rwanda's legislature (the highest percentage in the world), but only 19% of the US House of Representatives, reflects special circumstances in both countries. The mobilization of women in both politics and the economy in Rwanda, encouraged by the military head of state Paul Kagame, is a consequence of the appalling genocide of the Tutsi by the Hutu in 1994 and many perpetrators then fleeing the country. As a result, an estimated 60 to 70 per cent of the remaining population was women, who began to play a new role in the economy, despite lack of education and strong social prejudice.

Sometimes women are promoted politically within undemocratic regimes to signal (perhaps token) ideological support for women's rights and add legitimacy. President Bokassa in the Central African Republic, who seized power in a coup in 1972, offered the new post of prime minister in January 1975 to Elisabeth Domitien, who became the first African woman prime minister. She had been active and respected in the independence movement and in public life since independence, so Bokassa sought both to broaden his popular support and to gain internationally by marking UN International Women's Year. Domitien was, however, dismissed by Bokassa in 1976, when she opposed his plan to become emperor. The importance of political dynasties in mobilizing loyalty in some political contexts has also enabled a number of wives or daughters to become prime minister or president. Three well known examples from Asia are: Sri Lanka (Sirima Bandaranaike, who took over when her husband was assassinated in 1960 and became the first woman prime minister in the world); India (Indira Gandhi - Nehru's daughter, elected 1966); and Pakistan (Benazir Bhutto - daughter of Zulfikar Bhutto, elected in 1988). All were strong and able women, but family was their pathway to power.

But when women do rise to the top of government entirely on their own merits, especially where women in general still suffer widespread forms of discrimination, it is a significant advance. Ellen Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia became the first elected African woman President in 2006, backed by a major women's peace movement which had arisen out of 14 years of brutal civil war, and held office for 12 years, during which she managed to keep the peace and promote the shattered economy, but did little directly for women (a stringent rape law was introduced, but watered down). Since then a number of women heads of state have been selected in Africa. Ethiopia appointed its first woman President in October 2018. Sahle-Work Zedwe holds a mostly ceremonial post, but she has a high profile from her role at the UN and in peacekeeping in Africa, and her symbolic significance is strengthened by the fact that the Prime Minister also gave half his cabinet posts to women. She has promised to work for Ethiopian women, who have made gains in education, but are still seriously disadvantaged in the economy and by lack of health care.

The celebration in the UK in 2018 of 100 years since women in principle gained the vote (though they were only enfranchised on the same terms as men in 1928), was an opportunity to honour past struggles, and press for better representation in the future. To mark the anniversary of women also gaining the right to stand for parliament, 209 women MPs from every parliament in the world gathered in a government sponsored conference at Westminster in November 2018 to pledge to fight internationally against gender inequality in politics (women on average make up only 24% of legislatures). Despite the fact the 2017 general election brought a record number of 208 women MPs into the UK House of Commons (up from 196 in 2015), they are only 32% of the total. Women's difficulty in becoming MPs has been due in part to the electoral system and the dominance of two major parties, with the Labour Party selecting more women candidates in winnable seats.

Similar electoral and party constraints help to explain the low representation of women in the US Congress. But the recent rise of women's activism in the US led to their playing a prominent role in the 2018 mid-term elections, and the election of a record 102 women to the House of Representatives (89 Democrats and 13 Republicans). Nancy Pelosi was selected the first woman Speaker of the House. Women also won nine governorships of states. In both the UK and the US elections there was also a significant increase in the representation of women from minority communities - including African American, Latina and Native American women in the US. When President Trump inaugurated the new Congress in January 2019, women representatives wore white, the suffragette colour, to celebrate 100 years since Congress passed the 19th Amendment (ratified by states in 1920) giving women in principle the vote. (In practice state control of often restrictive electoral provisions, and entrenched racial discrimination, meant that many women, especially Blacks and Native Americans, were still excluded) January 2019 also saw millions join in the Women's March in Washington (two years after the first); which was estimated to be the largest single-day protest in North American history.

Women's access to paid employment outside the home is central to their gaining greater independence and social status. But women have also been vulnerable to exploitation in the work place, both because of prevailing attitudes which have devalued and underpaid 'women's work', and because very often they desperately need their jobs to maintain their children. Even in economically advanced countries women have had to campaign hard for equal pay (and equal pay for equivalent work). Moreover, even when the principle has been recognised in law - as it was in Iceland in 1976 after a historic strike on 24 October 1975, when 90 per cent of women in both paid and unpaid work went on strike until midnight - the reality tends to be different. Icelandic women went on strike again on 24 October 2018, leaving work at 2.55pm, the estimated time their day should end if they were paid the same as men. (Activists in France took up this idea for Women's Day in March 2019 - a work stoppage at 3.40pm to dramatise an average 26% pay gap) Thousands of women in Glasgow (Scotland) also went on strike and demonstrated on 24 October 2018 (to coincide with the Icelandic women) as part of a 12 years campaign for equal pay for low paid council employees such as cleaners and caterers.

Women often need work even more desperately in poorer parts of the world, but are also even more likely to be underpaid and exploited. Some are fighting back. For example, an eight year struggle by shop workers in Kerala (India), who often worked a 12 hour day with only a 30 minute lunch break and were forced to stand all day - leaning against a wall could lead to a pay cut - finally ended in victory in July 2018. The Kerala state government amended the labour laws to direct employers to introduce an eight hour day and to allow the workers to sit on a chair or stool. Over 50,000 garment workers in Bangladesh, who have fought a long campaign against very long hours and minimal pay, shut down 52 factories and blocked a road near Dhaka in two weeks of protest in January 2019. Nevertheless, the overall position of women in the economy in Bangladesh is getting stronger: the proportion of women in the workforce rose from 4% in 1974 to 36% by 2016 (quite largely due to the rise of the garment industry), and this is having social repercussions, for example making it easier for some women to consider divorce.

Culture and Sport

Although the spheres of culture and sport are less central to most women's lives, women's presence and treatment in both do have great symbolic significance, and also influence the range of opportunities open to girls and women. Since the ‘MeToo’ campaign took off in 2017 from a scandal about Hollywood, it is not surprising that the role of women in film became an immediate focus of feminist and media attention. At the 70th Cannes Film Festival in 2017 American actress and producer Jessica Chastain protested about the way women were represented in over 20 movies she had watched. The response in 2018 was for the first time to appoint a majority of women to the jury. There was also a protest by 82 women in the film industry; they processed in silence on the red carpet to highlight the lack of female directors in the program. In its 71 years the Festival had shown 82 films directed by women, compared with 1,645 by men. The Oscar Academy Awards ceremony has also sparked controversy about the tendency to exclude films by both women (only five nominated over 91 years) and Black directors - although changes have recently been made to those eligible to vote. In 2019 no women were nominated for best director (the BBC listed five who could have qualified) though in other categories films with female leads were nominated.

The year 2018 did see significant advances in women's participation in sports previously seen as a male preserve, and also in the proportion of women taking part in world competitions and receiving equal treatment. Twitter launched a new emoji in May 2018 to celebrate the growing influence of women working in the football industry as part of the Women in Football campaign #WhatIf. The World Surf League announced equal pay for men and women from 2019, following on the US body announcing equal pay the previous year - the first sport in the USA to do so. At the Olympic Winter Games in February 2018 in South Korea, over 43 percent of competitors were female, a record number; and at the Youth Olympic Games in Buenos Aires in October 2019 half the athletes will be women for the first time ever. There were however controversies in women's tennis which raised questions over equality of judging standards. A well publicized incident occurred when the champion Serena Williams (who had recently had serious health problems after giving birth) was banned from playing at the 2018 French Open when wearing a suit specially designed to prevent blood clots.

The chance to take part in sport for women in societies tending to segregate women, or to impose strict dress codes, is obviously limited. However, Muslim Morocco hosts the 10km Course Feminine held in Casablanca each year, which allows girls and women of different ages, whether clothed in shorts or in robes and veils, to run or walk the course and to join in a collective event and claim public space.

F.5.i. Feminist Theory and Debates

Adichie, Chimamanda Ngozi, We Should All Be Feminists, New York, Anchor Books, 2015, pp. 64

In this essay Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie offers a unique definition of feminism, by rooting it in inclusion and awareness. This book is an adaptation of Chimamanda Ngozi’s TEDx talk.

Akimbobola, Yemisi, Neoliberal feminism in Africa, Eurozine, 22/05/2019,

Argues that, in a society like Nigeria’s, where lack of financial opportunity has fostered an entrepreneurial mindset, and where distrust of western feminism is culturally entrenched, neoliberal feminism may be women’s best option, even if neoliberal feminism is criticized for its disregard for structural inequalities and thus for failing women most susceptible to violence.

Ali, Aisha, We’re African women, and we’re feminists, 23/01/2018,

Account on how feminism has developed in the African continent, in connection also to African history and customs.

Arruzza, Cinzia ; Bhattacharaya, Tithi ; Fraser, Nancy, Feminism for the 99%: A Manifesto, London, Verso , 2019, pp. 85

A manifesto inspired by the international women's strike, ‘NiUnaMenos’ in Argentina and other radical feminist actions. It argues for a linkage between feminism and LGBTQ+ rights and the struggle against neoliberal capitalism, and rejects the kind of liberal feminism (exemplified by Hillary Clinton) that seeks equal opportunities for women within an inherently oppressive system.

Bates, Laura, Misogynation. The True Scale of Sexism, London and Glasgow, Simon and Schuster UK, 2018, pp. 320

This is a collection of articles authored in The Guardian by journalist Laura Bates, in which she uncovers the sexism underpinning personal relationships, the workplace, the media and society in general.

Batista, Juliana, The Confucianism-Feminism conflict: Why a new understanding is necessary, Schwarzman Scholars News, 2017

In this paper Juliana Batista discusses the interconnection between Confucianism and Feminism and their inherent conflict. However, she reaches the conclusion that they are not mutually incompatible.

Beard, Mary, Women and Power: A Manifesto, London, Profile Books , 2018, pp. 144

A year after the eruption of the #MeToo movement, historian Mary Beard traces the roots of misogyny in the West to Athens and Rome and explores the relationships between women and power and how this intersects with issues of rape and consent.

Birch, Harmony, The secret to peace in the Middle East … Feminism plays a big role, Entity, 29/04/2017,

In this interview, Ibrahim AlHusseini - entrepreneur, documentary producer, and philanthropist - discusses the connection between renewable energy, democracy in the Middle East and feminism. It also elucidates why feminism is important to Middle Eastern men and the factors that contribute to a larger participation of men in women’s struggles for equality.

Bram, Barclay, The problem with “Feminism”. Translating Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s ‘We Should All Be Feminists, China Channel. Los Angeles Review of Books, 23/10/2017,

Review of the reasons behind the choice by the Chinese publishing company People’s Cultural Publishing House to translate Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s book with the title ‘The Rights of Women’ rather than ‘We Should All Be Feminists’. Critics argue that the problem with the word ‘feminist’ lies in its organising for the cause, while the word ‘right’ reproduces the contemporary governmental discourse that emphasizes the rights conceded and the rule of law imposed from above, thus reproducing a patriarchal scheme on the portrayal of the book.

Briggs, Laura, How All Politics Became Reproductive Politics: From Welfare Reform to Foreclosure to Trump, Vol. 2, Oakland, CA, University of California Press, 2017, pp. 304

Feminist critic Laura Briggs argues that all politics in the U.S. are effectively reproductive politics. She outlines how politicians’ racist accounts of reproduction — stories of Black “welfare queens” and Latina “breeding machines" — encouraged the government and business disinvestment in families. With decreasing wages, the rise in temporary work and no resources for family care, US households have grown increasingly precarious over the past forty years in race-and class-stratified ways. This crisis, Briggs argues, fuels all others, such as immigration, gay marriage, anti-feminism, the rise of the Tea Party, and the election of Trump.

These two volumes form the book series Solinger, Rickie, Khiara M. Bridges, Zakiya Luna and Ruby Tapia (eds.) Reproductive Justice: A New Vision For The Twenty First Century, Oakland, CA: University of California Press,

Brown, Carrie ; Gielen, Uwe P. ; Gibbons, Judith L. ; Kuriansky, Judy, Women's Evolving Lives: Global and Psychosocial Perspectives, Cham, Switzerland, Springer, 2018, pp. 296

This wide-ranging collection analyzes the status and progress of women both in a national context and collectively on a global scale, as a powerful social force in a rapidly evolving world. The countries studied―China, India, Indonesia, Iran, Egypt, Cameroon, South Africa, Italy, France, Brazil, Belize, Mexico, and the United States―represent a cross-section of economic conditions, cultural and religious traditions, political realities, and social contexts that shape women’s lives, challenges, and opportunities. Psychological and human rights perspectives highlight worldwide goals for equality and empowerment, with implications for today’s girls as they become the next generation of women. Women’s lived experience is compared and contrasted in such critical areas as: home and work; physical, medical, and psychological issues; safety and violence; sexual and reproductive concerns; political participation and status under the law; impact of technology and globalism; country-specific topics.

Buranajaroenkij, Duanghathai, Political feminism and the women's movement in Thailand, Bangkok, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2017, pp. 40

By taking into consideration the impact of social and political unrest and conflicts over natural resources and the environment on the lives and livelihoods of Thai women, this paper proposes four areas through which gender issues can be strategically politicized and based on feminist principles and approaches: 1) Public communication through social media to deconstruct gender mystification; 2) Educational programs to uncover intersectional strife (e.g., involving gender, national origin and class) in care work from a feminist perspective; 3) Application of gender diversity as an analytical framework for sustainable national economic and social development policy-making; 4) Creation of spaces for women’s political participation and for legitimizing women’s political participation outside the formal political system to ensure women’s right to self-determination as dignified members of society.

Chakrabarti, Shami, On Women in the Twenty-First Century, London, Penguin, 2018, pp. 240

Chakrabarti gives an account of gender injustice as a major breach of human rights, comparable to the systematic oppression of apartheid.

Choi-Kim, Hana, Anti-sexual violence movement against punitive measures: The feminist activism of Korean WomenLink, Asian Journal of Women's Studies, Vol. 24, issue 2, 2018, pp. 283-294

In South Korea, punitive measures in response to extreme sex-crimes against children have emerged since the mid-2000s. Some scholars have argued that this punitive turn is a result of the feminist movement against sexual violence and so has been labeled as “carceral feminism.” In this paper the author argues that the Korean feminist movement against sexual violence in fact offers a counter-example to the discourse of “carceral feminism” with respect to their activities and the dynamics surrounding the movement.

Coetzee, Azille, African Feminism As Decolonising Force: A Philosophical Exploration Of The Work Of Oyeronke Oyewumi, Vol. Doctor of Philosophy, Stellenbosch, Stellenbosch University, 2017, pp. 171

In this work the author presents the work of Nigerian feminist sociologist, Oyèrónké Oyĕwùmí, as a decolonising force having the power to disrupt sub-Saharan African philosophy, Western feminist thought and discourses on African decolonisation in highly significant and surprising ways.

Coetzee, Azille, Feminism is African, and other implications of reading Oyèrónké Oyĕwùmí as a relational thinker, Gender and Women’s Studies, Vol. 1, issue 1, 2018, pp. 1-16

The author interprets the work of Nigerian feminist scholar Oyèrónké Oyĕwùmí to be embedded in a relational understanding of subjectivity, as developed in African philosophy, that is deeply relational, fluid and non-dichotomous and therefore not reducible to the strict, essentialised, hierarchical and stable gender dyad of the colonial Western gender system.

Ennaji, Moha ; Sadiqi, Fatima ; Vintges, Karen, Moroccan Feminisms: New Perspectives, Trenton, NJ, Africa World Press, 2016, pp. 260

The authors explores the various aspects of Moroccan feminism from a historical, sociological and comparative perspective. They discuss women and politics, women’s NGOs, female identities, women and Sufism, and their role in the 20 February Movement (20 February 2011 – March/April 2012). They also cover women’s role in society in general, from various but inter-related perspectives: secular, Islamic, grassroots, etc.

See also Ennaji, Moha (2020) ‘Women’s activism in North Africa: a historical and socio-political approach’ in Darhour, Hanane and Drude Dahlerup (eds) (2020) Double-Edged Politics on Women’s Rights in the MENA Region. Gender and Politics, Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 157-178.

Analyses women’s activism strategies in Tunisia and Morocco directed at transforming gender roles; pursuing better legal rights and women’s progress in the public sphere; opposing violence and discrimination against women, and trying to consolidate democracy in the aftermath of the Arab Spring.

Gago, Verónica ; Aguilar, Raquel Gutiérrez, Women Rising in Defence of Life, NACLA Report on the Americas, Vol. 50, issue 4, 2018, pp. 364-368

This article sheds light on women’s uprisings in Latin America and places particular emphasis on proposing a new framing for the struggles. Firstly, it stresses the need to revitalise a non-state centric type of politics. Secondly, it proposes the renewal of new forms of togetherness that could overpower patriarchal, colonial and capitalist structures. Thirdly, it argues the necessity to challenge the control exercised over women’s bodies and minds.

Glas, Saskia ; Spierings, Niels, Support for feminism among highly religious Muslim citizens in the Arab region, European Journal of Politics and Gender, Vol. 2, issue 2, 2019, pp. 283-310

Public opinion studies argue that in Middle Eastern and North African countries, Muslims support gender equality less than non-Muslims. This overlooks the diversity in religion–feminism relations. This paper argues that religious Muslims who support feminism are disregarded, even though in-depth studies have repeatedly pointed to their existence. The authors provide a large-scale analysis of support for Muslim feminism. Conducting latent class analyses on 64,000 Muslims in 51 Middle Eastern and North African contexts, they find that a substantial one in five Arab Muslims combines high attachment to Islam with support for feminism.

Glas, Saskia ; Spierings, Niels, Changing Tides? On How Popular Support for Feminism Increased After the Arab Spring, In Double-Edged Politics on Women’s Rights in the MENA Region. Gender and Politics, Cham, Switzerland, Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 131-154

The authors studied the impact of feminism in some Arab countries following the Arab Spring uprising across North Africa in 2011. They assessed the specific forms of the uprisings. They also examined whether pre-existing anti-Western value and gender relations influenced the visibility and resonance of feminist norms.

HongFincher, Leta, Betraying Big Brother: The Feminist Awakening in China, London and New York, Verso, 2018, pp. 248

Describing China’s feminist activists in relation to their political and historical circumstances, the author elucidates the development of China’s feminist movement and discusses China’s history from a feminist perspective.

Hussein, Nazia, Rethinking New Womanhood: Practices Of Gender, Class, Culture And Religion In South Asia, London, Palgrave Macmillan, 2018, pp. 231

A collection of essays by feminist scholars and activists in South Asia outlining the development of feminism in India, Bangladesh and Pakistan over the last decade with regard to the social embodiment of women, television representations, LGTB discourses, domestic violence, and the “new” feminism.

Jayawardena, Kumari, Feminism And Nationalism In The Third World, London and New York, Verso, 2016, pp. 304

By demolishing the myth that feminism originated in the West, Kumari Jayawardena presents feminism as it originated in the Third World, erupting from the specific struggles of women fighting against colonial power, for education or the vote, for safety, and against poverty and inequality. Gives particular attention to Afghanistan, China, Egypt, India, Indonesia, Iran, Japan, Korea, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Turkey, and Vietnam.

To look at a brief extract of the book see also https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/4018-feminism-and-nationalism-in-the-third-world

Karik-Namiji, Olubukula, Feminism and Intra-Gender Relations in Africa: A Theoretical and Conceptual Framework, International Journal of Language, Literature and Gender Studies (LALIGENS), Vol. 5, issue 1, 2016, pp. 13-25

This paper aims to assess the ideology of feminism and feminist criticism, with the aim of affirming its success in Africa over the years while focusing on intra-gender relations among women as reflected in Gynotexts, namely literary texts written by women. The author finds that the present relationship between female characters in gynotexts does not promote feminist ideology but is inimical to it. Because healthy sisterhood is not often depicted This is because the lack of healthy sisterhood (though this is not necessarily inherent in women's writing) this omission detracts from the realization of the goals of the feminist movement in Africa'.

Krook, Mona, Global feminist collaborations and the concept of violence against women in politics, Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 72, issue 2, 2019, pp. 77-94

Mona Krook argues that violence against women in politics is increasingly recognised around the world as a significant barrier to women’s political participation. This article maps how this analysis emerged globally. She notes that it has multiple, parallel origins, such as: efforts by locally elected women in Bolivia in the late 1990s to theorise their experiences as political harassment and violence against women; networking by elected women in Asia (with support from global actors) to map and condemn manifestations of violence against women in politics in the mid 2000s; and initiatives in Kenya to recognize and tackle electoral gender-based violence in the late 2000s.

Lahai, John ; Moyo, Khanyisela, Gender in Human Rights and Transitional Justice, Cham, Switzerland, Palgrave Macmillan, 2018, pp. 294

The authors challenge the (dominant) one-sided representations of gender in the discourses on human rights, and also transitional justice (involving new approaches to redressing recent major suffering and oppression). They examine how transitional justice and human rights institutions, as well as political institutions, impact the lives and experiences of women with references to Argentina, Bosnia, Egypt, Kenya, Peru, Sierra Leone, and Sri Lanka. They focus especially, in a variety of contexts, on the relationships between local and global forces.

Lewin, Jan-Louise ; Mabogwane, Kamohelo ; Smit, Ariana ; Alexander, Andréa ; Mokoena, Amanda ; Nyaruwata, Chido, What is Blackwom?nhood: An intersectional dialogue with the Young Wom?n’s Leadership Project, Agenda, Vol. 33, issue 2, 2019, pp. 61-69

The authors draw on their own experiences and intersectional identities to consider: What is Blackwom?nhood? They explore a variety of topics, such as identity, feminist activism, the environment, and decoloniality and focus on the intersections of race, class, gender, sexuality, location, and language. This article is designed to provoke ideas about the representation and self-expression of Black women and their implication for critical feminist theorising of Black women’s role in activism, academia, and the workplace.

Mackinnon, Catherine, Butterfly Politics, Cambridge, MA, The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2017, pp. 504

Mackinnon argues that, under the right conditions, small simple actions can produce large complex effects, and that seemingly minor positive interventions in the legal realm can have a butterfly effect that generates major social and cultural transformations. Mackinnon connects the theory of social causality to a wide-ranging exploration of gender inequality, sexual harassment, rape, pornography and prostitution. His aim is to encourage political activism and promote equality socially and legally.

Miller, Dessie, Celebrating the Feminine: Daoist Connections to Contemporary Feminism in China, Vol. Master of Arts in Asia Pacific Studies (MAPS), San Francisco, University of San Francisco, 2017, pp. 24

Discusses the evolution of the idea of feminism over the centuries in China and what may be called a “proto-feminism” concept, known as the Daodejing. Classical Chinese philosophy has influenced and helped shape what feminism is today in China. Dessie Miller analyzed the use of language in the Daodejing to demonstrate the feminine imagery throughout the text. She also deconstructed the characters that bear significance for feminist interpretations for the Dao and Yin-Yang in order to analyse their deeper meaning. Finally, she compared Confucianism and Daoism in order to provide a broader context and to show how they differ from each other. Lastly, she used contemporary feminist figures—such as Li Ruzhen, Qiu Jin, and the “Beijing Five”—as examples to show how Daoism was a precursor to and how it helped shape feminism in what is today’s China.

Mutaqin, Zezen, Culture, Islamic feminism, and the quest for legal reform in Indonesia, Asian Journal of Women's Studies, Vol. 24, issue 4, 2018, pp. 423-445

Examines the interplay of Islam, history, and feminism and views it in the legal context of Indonesia. The author uses social movement theory to examine how women’s movements here have organized and mobilized resources to achieve certain goals in this specific socio-political context.

For further research, see also: Poerwandari, Elizabeth Kristi, Ratna Batara Munti and Jackie Viemilawati (2018) “Pro-women's policy advocacy movements in Indonesia: Struggles and reflections”, Asian Journal of Women's Studies, Vol. 24, no. 4, pp. 489-509; and Wariyatun Wariyatun (2019) Creating zero tolerance for violence against women, Asian Journal of Women's Studies, Vol. 25, no 3, pp. 459-467.

Nasir, Zakia, Feminism and power in the post-colonial societies of the sub-continent, Asia Dialogue, 22/05/2019,

Explores the use of power over women in post-colonial Pakistan, Bangladesh and India.

Nemoto, Kumiko, Too Few Women At The Top. The Persistence Of Inequality In Japan, New York, Cornell University Press, 2016, pp. 296

The number of women in positions of power and authority in Japanese companies has remained small despite the increase in the number of educated women and the laws on gender equality. Kumiko Nemoto challenges claims that the surge in women’s education and employment will logically lead to the decline of gender inequality and eventually improve women’s status in the Japanese workplace. Interviews with diverse groups of workers at three Japanese financial companies and two cosmetics companies in Tokyo reveal the persistence of vertical sex segregation as a cost-saving measure. Women’s progress is impeded by corporate customs such as pay and promotion, track-based hiring of women, long working hours, and the absence of women leaders. Gender equality for common businesses requires that Japan fundamentally depart from its postwar methods of business management. Comparison with the situation in the United States makes the author’s analysis of the Japanese case relevant for understanding the dynamics of the glass ceiling in U.S. workplaces as well.

Ngaihte, Thianlalmuan, Democratizing the roles of women: Reading feminist voices, Asian Journal of Women's Studies, Vol. 24, issue 4, 2018, pp. 526-539

This article explores some feminist voices from India, especially one of a Dalit feminist, and two Northeastern feminists, and identifies certain views on common issues that bind them together. It also looks into the different priorities of each of these feminists, in order to understand the contexts, cultures and experiences that have shaped their primary concerns.

Ochoa, Danielle ; Manalastas, Eric Julian ; Deguchi, Makiko ; Louis, Winnifred R., Mobilising Men: Ally Identities and Collective Action in Japan and the Philippines, Journal of Pacific Rim Psychology, Vol. 13, issue 14, 2019, pp. 1-11

Men have an important role as allies in reducing discrimination against women. Using the Social Identity Model of Collective Action (SIMCA), the authors examined whether men's identification with women would predict their allied collective actions. They also examined whether men’s identification with their own group would reduce their willingness to improve women's situation. They found that moral beliefs and a sense of group efficacy made men more likely to join in collective action to combat discrimination against women. They also discuss the possible role of norms and concept of legitimacy in society in explaining the pattern of results.

Parvez, Zarqa, Is ‘feminism’ really helping women’s rights in the Middle East?”, Middle East Monitor, 31/01/2019,

Debates how intersectional feminism is relevant to the Middle East, in relation to a different conception of class, ethnicity and social status from the West. It examines whether a fixed understanding of feminism – based on a westernized value system - might be detrimental to the achievement of women’s rights in Middle Eastern societies.

Patel, Vibhuti ; Khajuria, Radhika, Political feminism in India, New Delhi, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2016, pp. 40

Analyzes the current feminist actors, organizations and debates around gender equality and feminist perspectives in order to provide an overview of feminist ideas and actors in India. It shows that feminism today is the constant questioning of the world we perceive and the boundaries we encounter.

Qi, Wang, Young feminist activists in present-day China: A new feminist generation?, China Perspectives, Vol. 3, issue 114, 2018, pp. 59-68

This article studies post-2000 Chinese feminist activism from a generational perspective. It operationalises three notions of generation - 1) generation as an age cohort; 2) generation as a historical cohort; and 3) "political generation" - to shed light on the question of generation and generational change in post-socialist Chinese feminism. The study shows how the younger generation of women have come to the forefront of feminist protest in China and how the historical conditions they live in have shaped their feminist outlook. In parallel, it examines how a "political generation" emerges when feminists of different ages are drawn together by a shared political awakening and collaborate across age.

Rottenberg, Catherine, The Rise of Neoliberal Feminism, New York, Oxford University Press, 2018, pp. 264

Following the #MeToo movement and #TimeIsUp campaign, Rottenberg argues that the current neoliberal context that reduces everything to market calculation requires that a new wave of feminism should reorient and reclaim itself as a social justice movement.

Sadiqi, Fatima ; Ouguir, Aziza, Reflecting on feminism in Africa. A conversation from Morocco, Meridians: feminism, race, transnationalism, Vol. 17, issue 2, 2018, pp. 269-278

Interview with Fatima Sadiqi, professor of Linguistics and Gender Studies, on the discourse around feminism, Islam, gender equality, social justice and democracy in Morocco.

Saigol, Rubina, Feminism and the women's movement in Pakistan, Islamabad, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2016, pp. 51

Explores the divisions in the feminist movement in Pakistan and how feminists see or silence the intersections between sexuality, religion, race and class in the struggle for equality in Pakistan. It contextualises the analysis within the legacies of colonial relations, nationalist reformation, development policies and neoliberal economies, including new forms of militarism introduced with the global war on terror, and the transformations of the political space across Pakistan’s political history.

Sardenberg, Cecilia ; Costa, Ana Alice Alca, State Feminism and Women’s Movements in Brazil. Achievements, Shortcomings, and Challenges, In Basu, Amrita, Women’s Movements In The Global Era. The Power Of Local Feminism, New York , Routledge, pp. 299-329

This chapter provides an overview of Brazilian feminist and women's movements since the 1970s, showing how dialogues with the state began and eventually led to the establishment of Women's Policy Agencies at different governmental levels, as well as in the different branches of government. It demonstrates that, despite these setbacks, state feminism in its participatory form continues to be an important instrument in the fight for gender equality in Brazil. The chapter deals with a periodization of feminist struggles in Brazil, tracing the emergence and consolidation of state feminism and the challenges it encountered up to more recent years. It examines how state feminism in Brazil has furthered women's struggles in combating their underrepresentation in formal politics, confronting violence against women, and advancing state support for the exercise of women's reproductive rights, focusing on the legalization of abortion.

Segato, Rita, Rita Segato on political feminism: ‘There is no prince’, TeleSur, 19/12/2018,

Rita Segato, an Argentine-Brazilian academic and one of the most celebrated Latin American feminists, comments on the biases still affecting cases of femicide in Latin America due to the hyper machismo culture. She also discusses the need to unite academics working in the field of Communication, journalists and editors in order to promote discourses that encourage women to be seen as political actors rather than merely as victims.

Sendi, Kholod, The limitations of U.S. white midde-class feminism in the Middle East, International Journal of Gender and Women’s Studies, Vol. 5, issue 1, 2017, pp. 109-120

This paper discusses the hegemony of U.S. White middle-class feminism and examines seven limitations that make it inapplicable in non-Western societies, and specifically in Middle Eastern countries. These limitations include (a) ignoring the cultural, historical, and political systems that shape women in the Middle East; (b) misinterpretation of some religious practices; (c) generalizing women's conditions; (d) universalizing Western values; (e) playing the role of the savior; (f) ignoring the influence of Western imperialism; and (g) ignoring women's strengths and actual needs. Finally, this paper included suggestions that can be taken into consideration to reduce the gap between U.S. White middle-class feminism and other types of feminisms in the Middle East.

Singh, Yvonne, What does it take to be an Arab feminist in 2019?, Middle East Eye, 05/07/2019,

Discusses what Arab women could do to shape the meaning of the term “feminism”, and how does the legacy of previous generations of Arab feminists intersects with globalised movements like ‘Me Too’.

Solnit, Rebecca, The Mother Of All Questions: Further Feminisms, London, Granta Books, 2017, pp. 194

A collection of essays by a leading feminist, that responds to the rapid social change resulting from the latest renewal of feminism both in North America and worldwide. It starts with a long new essay ‘Silence is broken’, which explores the many ways in which not only women but other vulnerable groups have been silenced. The author notes that this is a book that ‘deals with men who are ardent feminists as well as men who are rapists’ and that ‘this is a feminist book, yet it is not about women’s experience alone.’

Spakowsky, Nicola, Socialist feminism in post-socialist China, Positions, Vol. 26, issue 4, 2018, pp. 561-592

Discusses the new theoretical strand within Chinese feminism that has been forming since 2010 up to 2018, which, for lack of a programmatic label, the author calls “socialist feminism.”

van der Meer, Annine, Reconstructing Her-Story: The interdisciplinary method applied to East Asia at the Ewha Global Empowerment Program, Asian Journal of Women's Studies, Vol. 23, issue 1, 2017, pp. 7-28

Reconstructs the history of female-oriented societies by retracing sacred feminine art or ‘Venus Art’ in order to retrieve women friendly egalitarian cultures with particular attention to East Asia.

Williams, Monnica, How white feminists oppress black women: when feminism functions as white supremacy, Chacruna, 16/01/2019,

Elucidates the structural oppression of women of colour to which white feminism contributes in the United States. The article highlights the connection between white feminism and liberal and conservative policies and ideologies.

Zalis, Shelley, The new rules of feminism, Forbes, 05/06/2017,

Frames gender equality as a social and economic issue, rather than merely a female issue. It also touches upon three campaigns for gender equality: Feminism 1.0 launched by activist Gloria Steinem under the slogan ‘She For She’; Feminism 2.0 led by actress Emma Watson at the UN under the slogan ‘HeForShe’; and Modern FeMENism 3.0 developed under the slogan ‘We For We’ aimed at bringing men and women together to recognise that equality is in everyone’s best interest.

Zia, Afiya, Faith And Feminism In Pakistan: Religious Agency Or Secular Autonomy, Brighton, Sussex Academic Press, 2018, pp. 251

Analyses gender in the Muslim world, particularly in Pakistan. Zia chronicles secular feminism and its past and ongoing achievements, and explores the limits of faith-based politics in the country.

Zinngrebe, Kim, Palestinian women in Israel: embodied citizens strangers, Settler Colonial Studies, Vol. 9, issue 1, 2019, pp. 117-133

Palestinian women’s bodies constitute a central site of the struggle between the Zionist state and Palestinian ‘citizens’ in Israel. At the intersection of critical feminist and settler colonial studies scholarship and drawing on empirical data collected in 2013–2014, this paper argues that Israel’s continuous drive to control Palestinian women’s bodies plays a pivotal role in the completion of the Zionist project.

F.5.ii. International Feminist Activism

Basu, Amrita, Women’s Movements In The Global Era. The Power Of Local Feminism, New York, Routledge, 2017, pp. 560

This book provides a study of the genesis, growth, gains, and dilemmas of women's movements in countries throughout the world. Its focus is on Brazil, China, India, Pakistan, Russia, South Africa, USA, as well as more generally covering Europe and Latina America. The authors argue that women's movements have engaged in complex negotiations with national and international forces, and challenge widely held assumptions about the Western origins and character of local feminisms. They locate women's movements within their context by exploring their relationships with the state, civil society, and other social movements.

Fallon, Kathleen ; Rademacher, Heidi, Social Movements as Women’s Political Empowerment: The Case for Measurement, In Measuring Women’s Political Empowerment across the Globe, Cham, Switzerland, Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 97-116

This chapter explores how to measure quantitatively women’s social movements. Drawing on previous qualitative and quantitative studies of politically influential social movements addressing women’s rights across developing countries, the authors examine what aspects of women’s collective action can create a meaningful variable. The chapter concludes with a call for new methods to measure women’s movements, to pinpoint the circumstances that lead to mobilization, the intricacies of women’s movements, and the ways women’s collective action leads to women’s political empowerment and gender equality, both in the developing world and a global context.

F.5.ii.1. Mobilising Across Borders

How was the March 8 International Women’s Strike woven together, Viewpoint Magazine, 16/02/2017,

Highlights the organisation and impact of the October 19, 2016 Strike in Argentina - the first women’s strike in the history of the country (and Latin America), which alone mobilised 250,000 people in Buenos Aires. The strike inspired by the same initiative taken by Polish women, which extended to many countries in the world thanks to the coordination of groups activities, petitions sent to the UN and manifestos.

Dalit rights activists break new grounds in South Asia, UN Women, 2018

Brief account of the initiative of Moni Rani Das, a Dalit woman living in Dhaka, Bangladesh, who started advocating for nearly 3 million Dalit women living in the country and became the first Dalit woman sitting on the National Human Rights Commission in Bangladesh. Her activism is a source of empowerment for 120 million women altogether that live in South Asia and contributed to the transnational activism of FEDO, Feminist Dalit Organisation based in Nepal, which formed connection with the UN’s Women Fund for Gender Equality; more local organisations such as Nagorik Uddyog in Bangladesh, Swadhikar and Asia Dalit Rights Forum in India; and the Human Development Organization (HDO) in Sri Lanka. By predominantly promoting women’s economic rights, FEDO’s activity constitutes a protection against gender-based violence against Dalit women.

Women worldwide must be heard and respected, The Guardian, 08/03/2019,

Letter published by The Guardian on International Women’s Day 2019, signed by women activists and actresses, as a public statement advocating the protection of women’s rights worldwide.

Another letter addressed to an international audience was published by The Guardian and was signed by prominent African women from all spheres titled ‘Equality for African women’. It can be accessed on here: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/mar/08/equality-for-african-women.

Beaumont, Peter ; Holpuch, Amanda, How the Handmaid's Tale has dressed global protests, Guardian Weekly, 10/08/2018, pp. 12-13

The televising of Margaret Attwood's dystopian feminist novel The Handmaid's Tale has inspired activists in Argentina, Northern Ireland, the USA and London to wear the distinctive scarlet cloaks and white bonnets to protest for abortion rights and contraceptive rights and against President Trump. The article discusses with Attwood and others how the costume signifies subjection of women and works for protests.

Featherston, Lisa, It’s international Women’s Day. Women around the world are striking, Jacobin, 08/03/2019,

Touches upon the history of the celebration of the International Women’s Day on March 8 and on the particular significance of striking on this day. It also includes mention of the initiatives that have taken place on 8 March 2019 in many cities around the world.

Feng, Jiayun, Hard times for feminists in China, SupChina, 08/03/2017,

Feng outlines difficulties of Chinese women’s experience for organising mass protests. However, she sheds light on the mass initiatives that happen behind the scenes, such as the WeChat group named “Walking with women from all over the world” from which Chinese feminists attending the march can broadcast live video and photos. It also reports on the sexist campaigns led by the Chinese government that portray women as submissive to patriarchal ideologies and stereotypes.

Hogan, Gwynne, Dominican protesters call attention to femicide, urge New Yorkers to take action, WNYC, 09/03/2018,

Briefly reports on ex-pats from the Dominican Republic who marched on the streets of Washington Heights, denouncing an epidemic of gender-based killings in their home country, where an average of 200 femicides per year occur. The protest in New York was called “March Against the Plague of Femicide”.

Lok-to, Wong, China silences its feminists on International Women’s Day, Radio Free Asia, 09/03/2018,

Reports on the shutting down by the government on the occasion of International Women’s Day of Feminist Voices account, a micro-blogging platform in China similar to Twitter, which is predominantly used for causes related to sexual harassment and gender discrimination in a way that attempts to bypass censorship.

Palmeiro, Cecilia, The strike as our revolutionary time, Verso, 07/03/2018,

Highlights the impetus that the National Wommen’s Strike on 19 October 2016 gave to the further development of the movement ‘Ni Una Menos’ in Latin America and the links it revealed between the most dramatic forms of violence against women such as femicide, rape and physical violence, to the more normalised forms of exploitation of women’s abilities in the context of neoliberalism.

Phillips, Tom, #Cuéntalo: Latin American women rally around sexual violence hashtag, The Guardian, 03/05/2018,

The article recounts the emergence of the campaign #Cuéntalo in Latin America, which followed the wave of protests that occurred in Pamplona, Spain, after 5 men on rape charges were only convicted on a lesser charge. It reports that the rate of prosecution for femicide is very low in Latin America, and the region is considered one of the most dangerous in the world for young women and women’s safety.

Resistencia, Mujeres Grabando, ¡Viva Nos Queremos! (Art) , NACLA Reports on the Americas, Vol. 50, issue 4, 2018, pp. 418-422

The initative of 14 women of capturing the feminist struggles through artistic production within the #VivaNosQueremos campaign. Many cities throughout the world joined the campaign and printmaking appeared in cities like Ciudad Juárez, Oaxaca, Mexico State, Puebla, New York, Chicago, Montreal and Barcelona as well as other countries like Costa Rica, Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Italy.

Selma, James, Four decades on, our strike is still growing, The Guardian, 08/03/2018,

Looks back at the 1975 Iceland women's strike at the start of the UN Decade for Women; the 8 March 2000 Global Women's Strike, the 2016 Polish women's strike to resist successfully anti-abortion legislation, the 2017 Argentina women's mass demonstration against the rape and murder of women, and the cooperation between women in Poland and Argentina in 2017 to coordinate the International Women's Strike.

Siling, Luo, Fighting on behalf of China’s women – From the United States, The New York Times, 15/02/2017,

Reports on how more than 20 other Chinese feminists who live in the United States and belong to the Chinese Feminism Collective, a nongovernmental organization supporting feminists that face sustained political pressure in China, carry on with their activities in support of women in China such as Global Leaders’ Meeting on Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment in collaboration with the UN; photography exhibition ‘Aboveground: 40 Moments of Transformation’, art performance ‘Our Vaginas, Ourselves’ and others.

See also https://nuvoices.com/2018/11/18/100-attend-nuvoices-nyc-launch-and-discussion-on-chinese-feminism/ for a more recent discussion on Chinese contemporary feminism at a New York City conference.

Topping, Alexandra ; Redden, Molly, 'We are international, we are everywhere’: women unite in global strike, The Guardian, 07/03/2017,

Comprehensive report on the 2017 Women’s Strike that involved more than 50 countries worldwide, and started by taking inspiration by 25,000 women in Iceland that, in 1975, gathered in the streets of Reykjavik refusing to go to work, clean, cook and taking care of the children.

For more info on the International Women’s Strike, also visit: http://parodemujeres.com/about-us-acerca-de/

F.5.ii.2. Overviews of Regional and National Movements

Feminicide: A Global Phenomenon. From Brussels to El Salvador, Brussels, Heinrich Böll Stiftung Report, 2015, pp. 39

Edited every two years on the occasion of the European Union and Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (EU-CELAC) Summit, this fifth edition of the series ‘Feminicide: A Global Phenomenon’ addresses the chapter on gender from the Action Plan, and points to other initiatives aiming at eradicating feminicide/femicide, and also inspiring the implementation of the Action Plan EU-CELAC on this matter.

Take Five: Fighting femicide in Latin America, UN Women, 2017

Discusses the deadly forms of violence against women in Latin America, developments since the launching of the Latin America Model Protocol in 2014 by UN Women and the High Commissioner of Human Rights, and the most recent updates on the legislation by Latin American countries.

To access the last Survey on gender-based violence in Latin America, please see http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/about-us/highlights/2016/highlight-rn63.html

Thomson Reuters Foundation’s survey on the 10 most dangerous countries for women in 2018, Thomson Reuters Foundation, 2018

The survey reports on the worst countries in the world for women in terms of health (e.g. maternal mortality, lack of access to health care facilities, lack of control over reproductive rights); discrimination (e.g. over land rights, job rights, property or inheritance); culture and religion (e.g. acid attacks, FGM, forced marriages); sexual violence (e.g. Rape, rape as a weapon of war, domestic rape or by a stranger); non-sexual violence (e.g. domestic violence); and human trafficking (including domestic servitude, forced labour, sexual slavery and forced marriage). The methodology is outlined and each listed country is fully described in each of the categories explored by the survey.

World Facing ‘Moment of Opportunity’ to End Violence against Women, Third Committee Hears amid Calls for Gender Equality in Politics, UN General Assembly Report, 2018

The Third Committee’s (Social, Humanitarian and Cultural) report on the advancement of women worldwide. The Third Committee had before it the report of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (document A/73/38). Also before the Committee were reports of the Secretary-General on Trafficking in women and girls (document A/73/263); intensifying global efforts for the elimination of female genital mutilation (document A/73/266); intensifying efforts to end obstetric fistula within a generation (document A/73/285) and intensification of efforts to eliminate all forms of violence against women and girls (document A/73/294). The Committee also had before it a report of the Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences on violence against women in politics (document A/73/301).

Across Latin America, women fight back against violence in politics, UN Women, 2018

Reports on how women in Bolivia, Brazil, Honduras and Mexico who are willing to hold public offices experience violence and do react against intimidation.

Relevant document on political violence against women for each of these countries can be found below.

International: INCLUDE PDF; http://archive.ipu.org/wmn-e/classif.htm

Bolivia: http://observatorioparidaddemocratica.oep.org.bo/ (Spanish). For further readings, please see http://www.unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2018/11/take-five-katia-uriona

Brazil: http://www.brasil5050.org.br/ (Portuguese)

Mexico: https://www.gob.mx/conavim/documentos/protocolo-para-la-atencion-de-la-violencia-contra-las-mujeres-en-razon-de-genero-2017; http://mexico.unwomen.org/es/digiteca/publicaciones/2017/10/protocolo-oaxaca

Saudi Women: Fatwa is a feminist issue: Female Islamic scholars are demanding equality, Economist, 14/07/2018,

Brief overview on the recent rise in feminist activity, on the advances of women in jobs and their role within the judiciary. It focuses especially on the new role for women religious scholars.

Turning Promises Into Action. Gender Equality in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, 2018

The Report examines through a gender-lens perspective the progress and challenges that are needed to be implemented in order to achieve all the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030.

EU-UN Spotlight Initiative to eliminate violence against women and girls, European Commission, 2019

Fact sheet providing information about Spotlight - a global campaign in joint partnership between the EU and UN - to eliminate all forms of violence against women and girls in South East Asia, Latin America, Africa, the Pacific and Caribbean region. The initiative aims to contribute to the achievement of SGD Goal 5 on Gender Equality and SDG Goal 16 on inclusive and peaceful societies. It provides information on the EU’s Gender Action Plan 2016-202 0 and UNFPA (https://www.unfpa.org/) and the surveys conducted to shed light on this form of violence.

Spotlight’s official website can be accessed at http://www.un.org/en/spotlight-initiative/index.shtml

Our territory, our body, our sprit: indigenous women unite in historic march in Brazil, Amazon Frontlines, 14/08/2019,

As part of the indigenous movement across the Amazon, thousands of indigenous women demonstrated in Brazil’s capital city in August 2019, joining the first Indigenous Women’s March. Carrying banners with the slogan “Territory: our body, our spirit”, women took to the streets to make their voices heard and to denounce the policies of Brazil’s far-right president Jair Bolsonaro, which have set the stage for escalating violations of indigenous rights, racism, violence and the most alarming Amazon deforestation rates in recent memory.

Afolayan, Gbenga, Hausa-Fulani women's movement and womanhood, Agenda, Vol. 33, issue 2, 2019, pp. 52-60

This article examines how women’s organisations have attempted to ensure compliance for Hausa-Fulani women with the Minimum Age of Marriage Clause of Nigerian Child Rights Act of 2003, in a context of plural legal systems and traditional norms, which make achieving gender equality difficult. The authors focus on this issue in the context of feminist attempts in Nigeria since the 1980s to reconstruct the concept of ‘the feminine’. This reconstruction is especially important in struggling against patriarchy and local interpretations of Islam in northern Nigeria.

Aktar, Solnara, Transnational feminism and women’s activism: Strategies for engagement and empowerment in Bangladesh, Asian Journal of Women's Studies, Vol. 25, issue 2, 2019, pp. 285-294

This article aims to review the strategic experience of individuals and human rights organizations for human rights, women's rights, gender equality and social justice in Bangladesh. Following an empirical research methodology, this article has been written on the four themes: education, engagement, empowerment, and advocacy. The organizations were selected because of their creative concepts, innovative approaches, achievements and impact on the public. The study focuses on how the “Unite for Body Rights” program provides education related to Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights (SRHR); how men from local community engage themselves in promoting gender equality and social justice; how “acid survivors” transform themselves into “survivor ambassadors” and empower themselves as women’s rights activists; and how the five leading human rights organizations in Bangladesh contributed to “banning the ‘two-finger test’ on rape survivors.”

Al-Rasheed, Madawi, Finally Saudi women can travel solo – but progress is still fragile, Guardian Weekly, 09/08/2019,

This article assesses women’s progress in Saudi Arabia since the lifting of the driving ban in 2018, and reports on the official decision to grant women passports to travel abroad without a male guardian’s consent. This is a step towards reversing the deprivation of women’s legal, political and human rights unique to Saudi Arabia’s Wahhabi version of Islam as interpreted by conservative clerics. But women still cannot marry, or leave domestic violence shelters or prison without a male relative’s consent. Moreover, Al Rasheed notes, prominent feminist activists had been imprisoned. However, Saudi feminists are still discreetly and effectively engaging within civil society to help women.

See also ‘Women in Saudi Arabia: Changing the Guard’, Economist, 20 July 2019, p.42.

Reports official plans to lift some restrictions on women, but also notes fears that a right to travel would increase the number of women fleeing abroad and seeking asylum. The article contextualises possible reforms to free women in the conflicting politics of liberalisation and repression being practised by the Crown Prince.

Ashiraliev, Elmurat, Feminism through pictures: how girls of south Kyrgyzstan fight for women’s rights, Voices On Central Asia, 01/02/2018,

Gives account through pictures and captions of the history and activities of ‘New Rhythm’, a small feminist group in Kyrgyzstan that is raising awareness over many problems the women of the county face, such as domestic violence, early marriage, sexism, and the lack of encouragement to young women to pursue higher education.

Bettinger-Lopez, Caroline, Codifying #MeToo into International Law, Council on Foreign Relations, 24/01/2019,

A report on the initiative by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) to create the first legally binding international treaty on violence and harassment in the field of work. The Convention – whose proposed title is ‘Convention and Recommendations Concerning the Elimination of Violence and Harassment in the World of Work’ – has so far received support from ILO member governments, various NGOs and employers and it was scheduled to be discussed in the Summer 2019. It will aim at addressing normative gaps in law and policy in countries or situations where there is no legal provision on sexual harassment in employment. The aim is that ratifying countries will prevent and address harassment through strengthening enforcing mechanisms and ensuring remedies for victims, and by acknowledging the costs of violence and harassment in the workplace. An important step is that the Convention focuses on addressing the needs of all women, including average-wage and low-wage workers.

Branigan, Claire ; Palmeiro, Cecilia, Women strike in Latin America and beyond, NACLA Report on the Americas, 08/03/2018,

In-depth account of the organisation of #NiUnaMenos and the 2018 International Women’s Strike, elucidating how the strike became a decisive moment in the history of Argentina’s and Latin America’s feminist revolutions. The authors note the importance of the region as a laboratory for the imposition of high impact neoliberal economic policies. The process by which IWS has become successful is based on radicalization by mass mobilisation and inclusion and aims never to isolate sexual violence from the very complex entwinement of capitalism and machista violences (macho culture) that lies at the core of the capitalist system.

Bullock, Julia ; Kano, Ayako ; Welker, James, Rethinking Japanese Feminisms, University of Hawai'i Press, Honolulu, 2018, pp. 288

This book draws on a wide range of academic disciplines to present the very diverse nature of feminist thought and activism in Japan since the early 20^th century. It covers employment, education, literature and the arts, as well as feminist protests and initiatives. The book includes ideas and approaches adopted by a range of cultural and socio-political groups that have not bee labeled feminist, but which have promoted ideas and values close to feminism. It also examines important aspects of feminist history to challenge the mainstream interpretation of them.

Bundela, Sanjay, The Role and Impact of NGOs in non-violent protest against Women Harassment in India, IJRAR- International Journal of Research and Analytical Reviews, 2017, pp. 117-121

This work examines the role of NGOs in protest against violence and harassment against women. The aim is to show that women are not just victims, but also rational actors, and to inspire courageous and nonviolent responses to harassment.

Cuthbert, Olivia, A new chapter for feminism in Jordan, OpenDemocracy, 03/04/2017,

Explores the rise of feminism and feminist activism in Jordan following December 2016, when women's rights activists protest in front of Parliament in Amman, Jordan calling for an end to violence against women.

Donovan, Louise ; Asquith, Christina, El Salvador kills women as the US shrugs, Foreign Policy, 07/03/2019,

In El Salvador, hundreds of women marched in the capital San Salvador on this day, to protest for reproductive rights, against violence, and in celebration of the release of three women jailed on abortion charges. The article also discusses the Trump administration’s cut of funding towards programs that support women and the initiative to tackle violence against women that exists in El Salvador.

Donovan, Louise ; Asquith, Christina, El Salvador kills women as the US shrugs, Foreign Policy, 07/03/2019,

ElHajjaji, Chouhaib, Feminism in Tunisia: brutal hijacking, elitism and exclusion, OpenDemocracy, 14/09/2018,

Explores how the feminist movement in Tunisia has been a victim of brutal hijacking, exploitation, and politicization, which has fragmented its foundation.

Evans, Harriet, Chinese feminism beyond borders: past, present and future, WAGIC – Women and Gender in China, 04/09/2017,

Professor of Chinese Studies Harriet Evans analyses the development of feminist activism in comparison with feminism in the UK. Drawing on the idea of sexual and gender rights, she also makes a comparison with the LGBTQ community and its global organisational activism since the 1990s.

Hartman, Laura, “Los my poes af” – the fine line between being radical enough and being too radical, Agenda, Vol. 33, issue 2, 2019, pp. 74-83

The author explores how women’s organisations in South Africa are often constrained in demanding their rights, or protesting in the streets, by their links to governments, political parties or international charities. Not only do these organisations need financial backing, but they are also expected to maintain a professional profile. She illuminates this dilemma by studying organisations in the Cape Flat of Cape Town, mostly run by black and coloured women struggling against increasing crime and violence against women and children.

HongFincher, Leta, Leftover Women: The Resurgence of Gender Inequality in China (Asian Arguments), London and New York, ZedBooks, 2014, pp. 213

This book discusses the popular myth that women have fared well as a result of post-socialist China's economic reforms and breakneck growth. It lays out the structural discrimination against women in China and speaks of the broader problems within China's economy, politics, and development.

See also ‘Talking policy: Leta Hong Fincher on feminism in China’, World Policy, 2 June 2017, https://worldpolicy.org/2017/06/02/talking-policy-leta-hong-fincher-on-feminism-in-china/ where Leta Hong discusses her book Leftover Women: The Resurgence of Gender Inequality in China and the development of feminism in china from the post-socialist era up to these days.

Jiang, Zhiduang, The sleeping feminism awareness in China – Through the case study of Girls’ Day and Women’s Day, Vol. Master's Degree, Lund, Lund University, 2017

Explains how Chinese women understand their identities and feminism in the new media age and how, as Jiang argues, they present and shape ideas about feminism and gender issues in the current socio-political context.

Khamis, Sahar ; Amel, Mili, Arab Women's Activism and Socio-Political Transformation, Cham, Switzerland, Palgrave Macmillan, 2018, pp. 288

This book illustrates how Arab women have been engaging in ongoing, parallel struggles before, during, and after the Arab Spring. It focuses on three levels: 1) the political struggle to pave the way to democracy, freedom, and reform; 2) the social struggle to achieve gender equality and combat all forms of injustice and discrimination against women; and 3) the legal struggle to chart new laws which can safeguard both the political and the social gains. The contributors argue that while the political upheavals often had a more dramatic impact, they should not overshadow the parallel social and legal revolutions, which are equally important, due to their long-term impacts on the region. The chapters shed light on the intersections, overlaps and divergences between these gendered struggles and unpacks their complexities and multiple implications, locally, regionally, and internationally.

Koo, Eunjung, Women’s subordination in Confucian culture: Shifting breadwinner practices, Asian Journal of Women's Studies, Vol. 25, issue 3, 2019, pp. 417-436

By tracing everyday breadwinner practices from the early industrial period to the democratic period (largely between 1960s and 2000s) in Korea, and by observing that the Confucian hierarchy of male supremacy continued into the early industrial period, despite the significant contributions of women to earning a living for their families, this study illustrates the changes in dynamics relating to women’s subordination.

Lenser, Amber, The South African Women's Movement: The Roles of Feminism and Multiracial Cooperation in the Struggle for Women's Rights, Vol. Master of Arts in History, Frayetteville, University of Arkansas, 2019, pp. 101

The author argues that the historical preoccupation with the anti-apartheid struggle, which has also focused on the role of men as agents of change, has obscured both the role of women from all races and classes who joined in the national struggle, and women’s campaigning for their own rights. She uses oral histories, South African newspaper reports and materials from organisations such as the Black Sash to show women’s influence on legislation passed under and immediately after apartheid. She also notes how women created their own political spaces and, at times, transcended race and class divides.

Maine, Emilie, The evolution of feminism in China. Media and Chinese feminists, Maine Ethics, 05/10/2017,

It explores the development of feminism in different historical periods: during the New Socialist China (1949-1965); feminism in the Cultural Revolution (1966- 1999); and feminism in contemporary China (2000-2017).

Mylene, Veronica ; Evangelista, Meggan, Feminism and the womens' movement in the Philippines, Pasig City, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2018, pp. 27

Explores the struggles of women during different historical events and political regimes in the Philippines, including during the Spanish colonization, Marcos dictatorship, and the current challenges under the administration of President Duterte. The study hopes to enhance conversations and possibilities for collaboration among new generation of feminists and experienced women activists at the national and global fronts.

See also: Gabriel, Arneil G. (2017) “Indigenous women and the law: The consciousness of marginalized women in the Philippines”, Asian Journal of Women's Studies, Vol. 23, no. 2, pp. 250-263 and https://www.cbsnews.com/news/international-womens-day-march-8-protests-amplify-feminism-in-asia/

Núñez, Sonia, Femen in the current Spanish political context: feminist activism and counterhegemonic modes of representation, Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies, Vol. 19, issue 1, 2018, pp. 111-126

This article addresses Femen’s media-based activism in Spain. It examines the lack of understanding of Femen’s activist methods among mainstream feminists and broader debates in the current Spanish political context.

Oinas, Elina ; Onodera, Henri ; Suurpää, Leena, What politics? Youth And Political Engagement In South Africa, Leiden and Boston, Brill, 2018, pp. 345

This book examines the diverse experiences of being young in today’s Africa. It offers new perspectives on the roles and positions young people take to change their conditions both within and beyond the formal political structures and institutions. The contributors represent several social science disciplines, and analyse critically dominant discourses of youth, politics and ideology. Despite focusing on Africa, the book is a collective effort to understand what it is like to be young today, and what working for change means in personal and political terms.

Paley, Dawn ; Weiss, Laura, Women Rising in the Americas, NACLA Report on the Americas, Vol. 50, issue 4, 2018

Introduction to the December 2018 issue, which presents, amongst other topics, essays and articles on the daily resistance against anti-Black state violence in Brazil; the demonstration of women wearing green handkerchiefs and claiming spaces in Argentina; the role of Ixil women in rebuilding communal structures post-genocide; the searches for the disappeared in Mexico; women’s struggle against oil exploitation; the organisation of LGBTI+ community members’ forms of resistance for immigrant justice; and the revisitation of the #NiUnaMenos movement.

Pannier, Bruce ; Tahir, Muhammad, Majlis Podcast: a new wave of feminism in Central Asia, RadioFreeEurope, 23/09/2018,

Gives an account on the debate in Kyrgyzstan, and more generally in Central Asia, about women's rights and the role of women in contemporary Central Asian societies. Provides link to videos and podcast debating the issue.

Sener, Bahar, The rise of feminism in south Korea, The Perspective, 15/04/2019,

Briefly explores the development of the feminist movement in South Korea in response to the country’s sexism, which is pervading different aspects of society.

Shen, Yifei, Feminism in China. An analysis of advocates, debates, and strategies, Shanghai, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2017, pp. 25

This study looks at feminism in China over the last century and reveals that feminist movements and arguments at most times have been linked to the nation’s development. Independent and mass feminist movements like those in the West never developed in China. By taking a look at the realities of women and their images in contemporary China, the study shows that feminism in the People’s Republic of China has still plenty of room for development.

See also Menke Augustine, (2017) ‘The development of feminism in China’, Undergraduate Thesis and Professional Papers, pp. 20.

Simga, Hulya ; Goker, Gulru, Whither feminist alliance? Secular feminists and Islamist women in Turkey, Asian Journal of Women's Studies, Vol. 23, issue 3, 2017, pp. 273-293

Inquires into the viability of an alliance between secular feminists and Islamists through the proliferation of deliberative platforms, where civil society organizations can meet at a safe distance from partisan politics and enter productive dialogue and generate policies to resolve the crucial problems women are facing in Turkey.

Sohela, Nazneen, The women's movement in Bangladesh, Banani, Dhaka, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2017, pp. 24

An exploration of the history of the women’s movement in Bangladesh, its achievements and the internal and external challenges for a sustainable movement it faces. The author weaves in broader historical changes and discusses the nature of the current political context and its impact on the feminist movement in Bangladesh.

Svetlova, Ksenia, Rising from ashes of Arab Spring, women lead a first Muslim feminist revolution, Times of Israel, 28/07/2019,

Highlights important challenges that women face in the Kurdish part of Syria; Tunisia; Morocco; Egypt; and the Persian Gulf in the aftermath of the Arab Spring.

UNDP, From Commitment to Action: Policies to End Violence Against Women in Latin America and the Caribbean, Panama, UNDP and UN Women, 2017, pp. 85

The report identifies the progress made by institutional approaches to tackling violence against women in the region. It also presents examples in some states in the areas of prevention, care, punishment, and reparation for violence against women and provides recommendations to address the obstacles that prevent the full implementation of measures tackling violence against women in the Latin America. It provides an important resource for many countries in the process of formulating, implementing and evaluating their own public policies and plans.

Volgestein, Rachel, Eliminating violence against women, Council on Foreign Relations, 28/11/2017,

On the week marking the United Nations Sixteen Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence, Council on Foreign Relations published a link featuring six publications from the Women and Foreign Policy Program. The publications are:

- CFR Discussion Paper: Countering Sexual Violence in Conflict (Include PDF);

- ‘Sexual harassment and gender-based violence in the workplace’ (http://fortune.com/2017/11/17/sexual-harassment-legal-gaps/);

- ‘Rape as a tactic of terror’ (https://www.cfr.org/event/countering-human-trafficking-and-sexual-violence-conflict) inclusive of a discussion with human rights activist, Yazidi survivor to ISIS’ sexual slavery and 2018 Nobel Peace Prize winner, Nadia Murad. The link provides both the video and its script);

- ‘The economic costs of violence against women’ (https://www.cfr.org/report/closing-gender-gap-development-financing);

- ‘Ending gender-based violence in conflict’ (https://www.cfr.org/blog/its-time-end-gender-based-violence-conflict);

- ‘Addressing gender-based violence in peace agreements’ (Link not retrievable).

Wadhwa, tanya, Massive mobilizations against femicides across Latina America and Caribbean, Peoplesdispacth, 09/02/2019,

Reports on three major Latin American countries, Argentina, Colombia and Mexico that witnessed mobilizations against femicide and gender-based crimes in February 2019 comments also on the social and human rights organisations that are demonstrating against gender-based violence.

F.5.iii. International Governmental Organisation: Reports and Initiatives

ECLAC: At least 2,795 were victims of femicide in 23 countries of Latin America and the Caribbean in 2017, Gender Equality Observatory for Latin America and the Caribbean, 2017

Stressing the need to create inter-agency agreements, the 2017 Economic Commission for the Latin America and the Caribbean’s report on femicide shows that Brazil topped the list of femicides (with 1,133 victims confirmed in 2017). In 2016, Honduras recorded 5.8 femicides for every 100,000 women. In Guatemala, the Dominican Republic and Bolivia, high rates were also seen in 2017, equal to or above 2 cases for every 100,000 women. In the region, only Panama, Peru and Venezuela have rates below 1.0. In the Caribbean, four countries accounted for a total of 35 femicide victims in 2017: Belize (9 victims), the British Virgin Islands (1), Saint Lucia (4) and Trinidad and Tobago (21). In the same year, Guyana and Jamaica — which only have data on intimate femicides — reported the deaths of 34 and 15 women, respectively, at the hands of their current or former partners. In 2017, the rates of intimate femicides in Latin America ranged between a maximum of 1.98 for every 100,000 women in the Dominican Republic, to a minimum of 0.47 in Chile.

UN: ‘Machismo’ in Honduras driving epidemic of femicides, TeleSur, 28/11/2018,

Provides recent data uncovered by the United Nations on femicide in Honduras. It also connects the occurrence of femicide, and the lack of effective measures to tackle it, to political and economic instability, which lead many people to flee the country.

To see the consequences of femicide in terms of the children made orphans in Honduras, have a look at this link https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Thousands-of-Children-Orphaned-in-Honduras-By-Femicides-Study-20180912-0010.html

Capacity4dev, Spotlight Initiative: countering violence against women in Central America, Europa.eu, 14/05/2018,

Highlights the initiatives undertaken by the EU and the UN in Guatemala and Mexico to tackle violence against women and girls. Other Latin American countries that are part of the project are El Salvador, Argentina and Honduras.

Educating Girls: The Path to Gender Equality, Washington, D.C., Global Partnership for Education, 2019, pp. 11

Outlines the challenges faced by girls seeking an education, and provides data related to most of the African countries, alongside Afghanistan, Yemen, the Marshall Islands, Papua New Guinea and Timor-Leste.

Honduran President called ‘murderer’ at inauguration of UN anti-femicide initiative, TeleSur, 14/02/2019,

Announces the launch of the ‘Spotlight Initiative’ in Honduras through a joint collaboration between the United Nations (UN) and the European Union (EU) and the Honduras government to end femicide and impunity. By 2014, Honduras had the highest number of femicides in the world, according to the U.N. It is reported that 380 women were murdered in the country in 2018 and that 30 women were killed during the first 30 days of 2019. The impunity rate for this crime hovers at 95 per cent.

Freidenberg, Flavia, Women's Political Representation in Honduras: A Comparative Perspective on Party Resistance and Inclusive Reform Proposals, Atlanta, GA, The Carter Centre, 2019, pp. 20

Report monitoring the political participation of women in Honduras, and investigating the causes and implications of women’s absence from institutions and public decision-making processes.

Reuters, Brazil: four women killed every day in 2019, human rights body says’, The Guardian, 04/02/2019,

Reuters report on the alarming rate of femicides which occurred in Brazil since the beginning of 2019, leading to the initiative of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, supported by Human rights activists and civil society, calling on the Brazilian Government “to implement comprehensive strategies to prevent these acts, fulfil its obligation to investigate, prosecute and punish those responsible, as well as to offer protection and comprehensive reparation to all victims.” Between January and beginning of March 2019 Brazil counted 126 femicides and 67 attempts. (The full statement is available at this link http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/media_center/PReleases/2019/024.asp).

To see previous reports on femicide in Brazil, have a look at this link which states that the Gender Equality Observatory for Latin America and the Caribbean (GEO) of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) found that 2,795 women were victims of femicide in 2017 in 23 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean (https://oig.cepal.org/sites/default/files/nota_27_eng.pdf).

SIPA, Violence against women in Brazil. Exploring the use of Twitter data to inform policy, Columbia University Capstone Project – UN Women, 2019, pp. 44

Capstone project, in consultancy with UN Women, explores how social media data —especially Twitter — can complement traditional data collection methods to help bridge gaps and influence policies on violence against women in Brazil. This report provides insights and recommendations regarding how this data can best be harnessed by civil society organizations, government agencies, and other stakeholders to work more effectively towards achieving the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 5.2—to eliminate all forms of violence against all women and girls. This will assist UN Women in developing a social media platform with the aim of monitoring progress made towards the achievement of SDG 5.2 goal.

F.5.iv. Political and Economic Initiatives and Protests

Commemoration in Havana of 40 years of advancement of women’s equality and rights with a focus on pending challenges, Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean – ECLAC, 2017

Joint initiative between the government of Cuba, ECLAC and the Federation of Cuban Women that saw government authorities, international officials and representatives of civil society in Havana assess the existing policies in favour of gender equality and women’s rights that have been implemented over the past 40 years in the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. They also debated the main challenges that lie ahead.

Protesters criticize AMLO’s plan for domestic violence’s shelters’, TeleSur, 05/03/2019,

Human rights activists have opposed President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador’s plan to cut funding for women’s shelters in Mexico. The scheme is still not properly defined, but the money will instead be given directly to the victims of domestic violence. While the government’s decision does not intend to withdraw support for victims, human rights activists point out the risk of nullifying years of activism and initiatives led by civil society. In fact, they stress that giving money directly to victims can further expose them to violence.

Women’s participation in Peace Processes, Council on Foreign Relations, 30/01/2019,

A report tracking women’s participation in peace negotiations from 1990 to the present. It reveals that women comprise only two percent of mediators, five percent of witnesses and signatories, and eight percent of negotiators around the world.

Murdered women can’t celebrate International Women’s Day, Foreign Policy, 07/03/2019,

Looks at the expansion of political and legal rights on gender-related issues in Latin America. The article also discusses the overall progress of women in education; their role in the labour market; and women’s access to health-care and social security. Emphasises the predominance of gender-based violence and lack of reproductive rights in the region.

The brave young people fighting for human rights in Bolsonaro’s Brazil, Amnesty International, 01/02/2019,

In the aftermath of Jair Bolsonaro’s election on an openly anti-human rights agenda, a climate of fear remains in Brazil. Yet, young people are rising up and making their voices heard. Amnesty International met seven human rights activists who reveal what life is like in Salvador, Brazil, and how they’re tackling violence against women, racism and homophobia.

Baird, Vanessa, What's sex got to do with it?, (part of 'The Big Story' on Brazil'), New Internationalist, 01/10/2017, pp. 21-22

Examines how women's rights are under attack since the ousting of President Dilma Rouseff, with scrapping of Ministry of Women and the Ministry on Racial Equality, and notes the Siempre Viva Feminist Organization opposition to dismantling government bodies to protect LGBT+ people. The article also discusses the prevalence of rape culture, and the general impact on women of race and class. Notes growing cultural movement of women of colour, and prominent role of women's movement in protests against Temer's presidency.

Bigio, Jamil ; Volgestein, Rachel, Women could boost the global economy, but outdated laws are holding them back, CNN Business, 15/01/2019,

Report on the signing of the Women’s Entrepreneurship and Economic Empowerment (WEEE) Act by President Trump in the midst of the US Government shutdown, which aims at promoting opportunities for female entrepreneurs worldwide.

Bolzendahl, Catherine ; Jalalzai, FaridaAlexander, Amy, Measuring Women’s Political Empowerment across the Globe, Cham, Switzerland, Palgrave Macmillan, 2017, pp. 320

The authors assess how women’s empowerment in the political sphere on a global scale can best be conceptualized and measured. This work argues that women’s political empowerment is a fundamental process of transformation and provides a benchmark for understanding all gains in political empowerment across the globe.

Child, David ; Soares, Joao Pedro, Brazil: Thousands of women rally against far-right Bolsonaro, Al Jazeera, 30/09/2018,

Describes the #EleNao (‘Not Him’) demonstrations led by women in Brazil against sexist statements made by President Jair Bolsonaro, sparked by his remark to 63-year-old fellow congresswomen, Maria do Rosario: "I would never rape you because you do not deserve it". These remonstrations have been connected also to the lack of political representation of women within the Brazilian Parliament. Despite making up 52 percent of Brazil's electorate, women hold just 13 of 81 seats in the country's upper house senate. Fewer than 11 percent of the 513 seats in the lower house Chamber of Deputies are held by women.

Cordova, Cecilia, Gender and politics in Bolivia. Violent repercussions of the political ‘empowerment’ of women, Christian Aid, 2017, pp. 1-20

Analyses the reality of women’s political participation in Bolivia, and the efforts towards its promotion, within the spheres of indigenous institutions, sindicatos (i.e. trade unions) and state participation.

Darhour, Hanane ; Dahlerup, Drude, Double-Edged Politics on Women’s Rights in the MENA Region. Gender and Politics, Cham, Switzerland, Palgrave Macmillan, 2020, pp. 311

The authors explore women’s activism and political representation, as well as discursive changes, with a particular focus on secular and Islamic feminism. They also examine changes in public opinion on women’s position in society in countries like Tunisia, Egypt, Morocco, Algeria and Jordan.

Došek, Tomas ; Freidenberg, Flavia ; Caminotti, Marianna ; Muñon-Pogossian, Betilde, Women, Politics, and Democracy in Latin America. Crossing Boundaries of Gender and Politics In The Global South, New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2017, pp. 243

This book discusses trends in women’s representation and their role in politics in Latin American countries, from three different perspectives. Firstly, it examines cultural, political-partisan and organizational obstacles that women face in and outside institutions. Secondly, the book explores barriers in the political sphere, such as gender legislation implementation, public administration and international cooperation. It also proposes solutions, based on successful initiatives. Thirdly, the authors highlight the role of women in politics at the subnational level. The book combines academic expertise in various disciplines with contributions from practitioners within national and international institutions.

Feng, Emily, China’s mixed message to working women, Financial Times, 30/11/2017,

Discusses how, despite having a well-educated female workforce, the high level of employment in China is imbued with patriarchal gender norms.

Franceschet, Susan ; Krook, Mona Lena ; Tan, Netina, The Palgrave Handbook of Women’s Political Rights, London, Palgrave Macmillan, 2019, pp. 784

Covers women’s political rights across all major regions of the world, focusing both on women’s right to vote and women’s right to run for political office. The countries explored are Afghanistan, Armenia, Australia, Bolivia, Canada, Cameroon, Chile, China, Colombia, Cuba, Czech Republic, Finland, France, Ghana, India, Indonesia, Israel, Jordan, Kenya, Kuwait, Malaysia, Mauritius, Mexico, Mongolia, Morocco, New Zealand, Myanmar, Niger, Nigeria, Poland, Russia, Rwanda, Slovenia, Sri Lanka, Sweden, South Korea, Slovenia, Switzerland, Taiwan, Tunisia, Turkey, the United States, Uganda, Uruguay, and Zimbabwe.

Gatehouse, Mike, To end gender-based violence (GBV). Children Aid’s campaign in Latin America and the Caribbean, LAB, 2018

Report on grassroots initiatives promoted by Christian Aid and Latin America civil society aimed at developing a national system of data and statistics on violence against women in El Salvador. It also discusses women’s deprivation of citizen rights in the Dominican Republic; the struggle of women defending their community in the Brazilian Amazon; the need to protect the rights of LGBTIQ people in Colombia; the need to enhance the participation of women in the labour market in Guatemala, and to tackle gender based violence and its legitimisation by the Church in Bolivia.

Gurele, Anuja, Politics and feminism in China. Will women hold up half of the sky?, Chennai, Chennai Centre for China Studies, 2019, pp. 24

Following the decision by Sweden to declare an official feminist foreign policy, this report investigates China’s prospects of including feminism – or adopting it fully – in its own foreign policy.

Hawari, Yara, The political marginalization of Palestinian women in the West Bank, AlShabaka, 28/07/2019,

While Palestinian women have always faced political marginalization, developments since the Oslo Accords have caused them to endure perhaps even more formidable challenges when it comes to political participation. Al-Shabaka Palestine Policy Fellow, Yara Hawari outlines these challenges and recommends ways for Palestinian women and society to disrupt this process and revitalize the Palestinian liberation struggle through feminism.

Hemström, Cajsa, Feminist movements as agents of political change: An analysis of feminist social movements’ impact on labour rights legislation in Morocco, Uppsala University, 2019

Inspired by the debate over whether globalisation has brought more benefits or disadvantages, and whether feminist movements around the world are gaining more agency and leverage, this thesis explores what influence feminist movements exercised on labour rights legislation in Morocco.

Hicks, Janine, Campaigning for social security rights: Women in the informal economy and maternity benefits, Agenda, Vol. 33, issue 2, 2019, pp. 32-41

This article focuses on how women in South Africa mobilised to press for a legislative response to a critical gender justice issue: access to maternity benefits for self-employed women, and women in the informal economy.

Klein, Hilary, A spark of hope: The ongoing lessons of the Zapatista revolution 25 years on, NACLA Reports on the Americas, 18/01/2019,

Klein discusses involvement of women within the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (Zapatista Army of National Liberation, EZLN). The movement is now engaged in activities such as peaceful mobilizations, dialogue with civil society, and structures of political, economic, and cultural autonomy even though it was previously known as a military movement demanding justice and democracy for Indigenous peasants in Southern Mexico. Women’s activism in fighting patriarchy, discrimination and violence across the Zapatista territory is crucial.

Mkhize, Gabi ; Mgcotyelwa-Ntoni, Nwabisa, The impact of women’s movements’ activism experiences on gender transformation policies in democratic South Africa, Agenda, Vol. 33, issue 2, 2019, pp. 9-21

The authors argue that the activism of women’s movements has helped achieve South African government policies designed to promote women’s equality (for example in employment) and women’s empowerment. They draw on a 2017 qualitative study of leading women in the government to illustrate this link. They recognize, however, that there are still social and psychological barriers within government impeding women with activist experience from achieving radical outcomes, and that ‘gendered discourse still disadvantages women across racial identities, gender orientations and (dis)abilities’.

Mussi, Daniela ; Bianchi, Alvaro, Rise of the Radical Right, NACLA Report on the Americas, Vol. 50, issue 4, 2018, pp. 351-355

The authors contextualise women in the election of and resistance to newly elected Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro in October 2018.

Muzee, Hannah ; Endeley, Joyce B. Mbongo, “Sister Robert, sister John”: Enhancing women’s voices and gendered membership of the Uganda Women Parliamentary Association, Agenda, Vol. 33, issue 2, 2019, pp. 22-31

This article focuses primarily on the Ugandan Women’s Parliamentary Association (UWOPA) as a key part of the wider women’s movement in Uganda. It considers how women members of parliament were able to give more prominence to women’s concerns in policy debates, but also how they were strengthened, when pressing for gender-sensitive laws and policies, by women’s collective backing. The findings also show that success in achieving laws such as Domestic Violence Act and Prohibition of Female Genital Mutilation was due to collaborating with male legislators, some of whom joined UWOPA.

Pasqual, Cira, Women and the crisis in Venezuela: a conversation with Gioconda Mota, Venezueananalysis, 30/11/2018,

Venezuela veteran activist for women’s rights, Gioconda Mota, discusses the growth of feminist movements in Venezuela. She pays particular attention to how they have contributed to the improvement of existing legal frameworks on the issue of gender violence and women’s role in the economy, and how much work is still needed with regard to dissident sexualities and abortion. She also discusses the predominantly sexist nature of justice administration, and the lack of women’s participation in strategic spheres of power, despite the increased participation in communal councils, social organisations and committees. She also sheds light on the feminisation of poverty, due to the double burden of productivity and care on women. The interview with Mota came after a group of feminist researchers released a ground-breaking report on the situation of women’s human rights in Venezuela, called ‘Desde Nosotras’ (From Us), whose 250 pages reveal the key challenges facing the political, economic, health, sexual and reproductive rights of Venezuelan women today.

Price, Vicky, Women vs Capitalism: Why We Can’t Haveit All in a Free Market Economy, London, Hurst Publishers, 2019, pp. 360

Distinguished British economist Vicky Pryce examines how discrimination against women is built into the free market system, both in terms of the pay gap, glass ceiling and obstacles to entering work; and also in the implications of the growing role of robots. She argues that equality for women requires ‘radical changes to contemporary capitalism’.

Radebe, Keneilwe, Custom-based or gender-based approach? Considering the impact of the National Movement of Rural Women as amicus curiae in litigation involving rural women, Agenda, Vol. 33, issue 2, 2019, pp. 42-51

The National Movement of Rural Women (NMRW), formerly known as the Rural Women’s Movement, was established in 1990 with a focus on, among others, uniting rural women and giving them a voice. Amongst the organisation’s aims was to create forums for rural women to unite against oppression, have equal rights to land and a say in political matters. The organisation has contributed as amicus curiae – ‘a friend of the court’ – to dealing with customary law cases involving inheritance, marriage and chieftaincy disputes. This article explores the two approaches used by the NMRW as friend of the court - the custom-based and gender-based approach - and concludes that these two approaches are in direct conflict with each other.

Ruiz, Héctor, No Justice for Guatemalan Women: An Update Twenty Years After Guatemala's First Violence Against Women Law, Hastings Women’s Law Journal, Vol. 29, issue 1, 2018, pp. 101-124

This paper explores twenty years of legislation to protect women and the progress made. It also examines the attitudes towards women and girls that have been fueled by the thirty-six year internal conflict (1960-1996).

Schild, Veronica, Chilean students confront machismo on Campus (Interview), NACLA Reports on the Americas, Vol. 50, issue 4, 2018, pp. 411-417

This long interview discusses the new rise of feminist protests in Chilean university and educational institutions, that emerged in April/May 2018 demanding an end to the reproduction of unequal gender roles, unequal pay and the streaming of women into low-paying careers. More generally, the new debate on feminism, which challenges the neo-liberal system, enables the politicisation of women and encourages forms of collaboration with ‘NiUnaMenos’.

Schwindt-Bayer, Leslie, Gender And Representation In Latin America, New York, Oxford University Press, 2018, pp. 352

This work examines the institutional and contextual causes and consequences of women's representation in Latin America. The authors argue that gender inequality in political representation in Latin America is rooted in institutions, but also affected by the democratic challenges and political crises facing Latin American countries. These challenges influence the number of women and men elected to office, what they do once there, how much power they gain access to, and how their presence and actions influence democracy and society more broadly.

Sherriff, Lucy, Colombia was just starting to deliver justice to women. Will a new president get in the way?, Time, 19/06/2018,

The article discusses the use of sexual violence against women during the conflict between the government, far-right paramilitary groups, left-wing guerrillas and drug cartels that began in Colombia in the 1960s. It then suggests the election of Conservative Ivan Duque, who has repeatedly pledged to roll back parts of the landmark 2016 peace agreement with rebels from the FARC group, is a risk factor for the protection and promotion of women’s rights.

Tzul-Tzul, Galdys, Rebuilding communal life, NACLA Report on the Americas, Vol. 50, issue 4, 2018, pp. 404-407

It examines the communal rebuilding in Guatemala after the war (1970-1996) with a focus on the struggle of Ixil women to recover the remains of those killed during the war. Their activity is also centred on the resistance to the expropriation of land, weaving and textile expropriation, and the genetic modification of crops. It includes the testimonies of those who were victims of rape during the war period.

Zulver, Julia, Colectiva Matamba Resists, NACLA Report on the Americas, Vol. 50, issue 4, 2018, pp. 377-380

This article provides an account of the Colectiva Matamba Acción Afrodiaspórica (Matamba Afro-Diasporic Action Collective)’s group of women activists fighting racism, sexism, colonialism and capitalism. They argue for an intersectional feminism and discuss a distinction between Black women’s feminism and white women’s lack of acknowledgment of white supremacy within the context of their feminist struggles. The work also establishes a comparison between displacement and sexual violence pre- and post-conflict that formally ended in 2019 with a peace agreement between the Colombian government and the FARC in 2016.

Websites recommended

Global Database on Violence Against Women - http://evaw-global-database.unwomen.org/en/countries 2020,

This link provides links to all countries in the world that give access to reports undertaken by UN Women on any type of violence suffered by women.

F.5.v. Culture and Sports

Elsey, Brenda, Fútbol feminista, NACLA Report on the America, Vol. 50, issue 4, 2018, pp. 423-429

It examines the patriarchal structure of the football game that excludes women all across Latin America from the history of football.

Ghaedi, Mona, Packing a Punch, New Internationalist, 08/2019, pp. 50-52

Reports on how Yazidi women in refugee camps in Iraqi Kurdistan are finding ‘a way to fight back’ through learning how to box, after the trauma they endured under ISIS. Illustrated by striking photographs of the ‘Boxing Sisters.’

Imtiaz, Saba, Two wheels good for Karachi's female riders, Guardian Weekly, 05/07/2019,

Brief but illuminating article about the liberatory role of cycling for women, both as a group sport and as means of travelling to and from work and avoiding the crowded public transport, where sexual harassment is rife. Imtiaz notes the hostility of conservative Pakistani men to women cycling.

Pavlidis, Adeele ; O’Brian, Wendy, Sport and feminism in China: On the possibilities of conceiving roller derby as a feminist intervention, Journal of Sociology, Vol. 53, issue 3, 2017, pp. 704-719

The spread of contemporary roller derby presents an opportunity to examine the ways sport can act as a form of feminist intervention. This article draws on a qualitative case study of a roller derby league in China, made up predominantly of expatriate workers, to explore some of the possibilities roller derby presents in activating global forms of feminist participatory action.

Perrone, Alessio, The Saudi street artist speaking truth to power, New Internationalist, 2019, pp. 68-70

Ms Saffaa is a Saudi artist who paints murals to support feminists in Saudi Arabia and transmits her art and political messages through the Internet. She is in exile in Australia (where she had a scholarship to study), having refused to return to Saudi Arabia to renew her passport, and campaigns against the 'guardianship laws', declaring 'I am my own guardian'. The article reproduces one of her murals.

Rottenberg, Silvia, Women art workers in Argentina demand gender equality, and museums start to listen, Hyperallergic, 09/03/2018,

A report on the development of the movement ‘Nosotras Proponemos’ (We Propose) demanding gender equality in the art world and the initiatives that art museums and art centres across the country are embarking on in response to the movement’s proposals.

F.5.a. Women's Rights over their Bodies: Contraception, Abortion, Sterilization

When women have access to education and a wide range of paid work, they tend to have far fewer babies and choose when to have children. This tendency for women to take control of their lives and their bodies has been thwarted both by entrenched male prejudice and also by the political influence of some powerful religious organizations, notably the Catholic Church and right wing Evangelical Churches (which also oppose contraception). Religious pressure has in the past been complemented by far right political ideology contemptuous of women's rights: Chile enacted a total ban on abortion regardless of the circumstances under the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. The current wave of right wing populism is also producing governments keen to control women's bodies. One of President Bolsanaro's first acts after his election in Brazil in 2019 was to replace the department for human rights with a department for 'family values' headed by a rightwing evangelist. The governments in both Hungary and Poland are using financial incentives to keep women at home having babies, to boost the national population and reduce the need for foreign immigrants (As noted earlier, Polish women successfully demonstrated and went on strike in 2016 against the threat of stricter abortion laws). Women demonstrated again in 2018 against the government’s renewed attempt to tighten the already restrictive abortion law. After a Constitutional Court in 2020 ruling that prohibited abortion even when there are foetal abnormalities, tens of thousands of angry women blocked roads and demonstrated militantly in October and November, causing the government to delay immediate implementation of the ruling. The new ruling meant that abortion would only be legal in the case of rape or incest or if the mother’s life
was in danger. Trump's presidential victory in 2016 raised fears about the future funding of family planning and (as a result of right wing judicial appointments) a return to restrictive abortion laws.

Feminists in Catholic countries have campaigned against pressure to reintroduce a ban on abortion (as in Spain - see under F.4.) and against the continuance of abortion laws sometimes (as in Ireland and some countries in Latin America) so restrictive that even raped women and girls cannot be aborted, or the lives of pregnant women who are seriously ill cannot be saved). Chile passed a law on 26 July 2017 to legalise abortion following rape or when a woman's life is in danger. In Ireland , moreover, as the culmination of a 35 year campaign, an historic referendum on 25 May 2018 voted by 64% to repeal the VIII Amendment of the Constitution, which included a clause that protected the rights of the unborn. In El Salvador, which also has a very restrictive abortion law that could lead to women being jailed for a miscarriage, there was a demonstration for abortion law reform in October 2018. Subsequently Imelda Cortez, who gave birth to a baby by her stepfather, who had consistently raped her since she was 12, was accused of planning to murder the child because she had not sought medical care; and she faced a 20 year prison sentence. She was set free by the court in January 2019, which was seen as a signal of hope for a more enlightened policy. Young women in Argentina campaigned in 2018 for a more liberal abortion law - tens of thousands marched on International Women's Day wearing green scarves and carrying the slogan 'Get your rosaries off our ovaries'. A Bill to allow elective abortion within the first 14 weeks of pregnancy passed the lower house in Argentina, but was defeated in the Senate in August 2018.

Official interpretations of religious beliefs are also very important in defining women’s reproductive rights in Asia, Africa and the Middle East. In Islam there are different readings of the Koran and variations due to history and culture. But Islamic countries tend to allow use of contraception in a family context to aid family planning. Some Islamic thinkers do allow for abortion in certain circumstances, particularly in the early stages of pregnancy before the ‘ensoulment’ of the foetus. Possible reasons are threats to the mother’s health or life, and (in some interpretations) serious threats to the health and future of the foetus. Government laws and policies vary, but even when abortion is allowed in certain cases, local cultural attitudes and lack of adequate health care may make it difficult or dangerous in practice. Buddhism and Hinduism, which stress the sanctity of life and also believe in reincarnation of the soul, tend not to sanction abortion, but believers may accept it when a mother’s life is at risk. Feminists in Muslim countries (or countries where Buddhist or Hindu beliefs are influential), have not so far tended to focus on the contentious issue of abortion; they generally have many other urgent problems to tackle.

At an international level, governments of countries where religious doctrines limit or prevent abortion rights may cooperate to influence global policies. Right wing US Evangelical groups lobby at the UN, and gained support from the Trump Administration. The US State Department briefed diplomats at an international women’s conference in 2019 to keep ‘sexual and reproductive health’ rights off the agenda. The Trump Administration also cut off funds to clinics around the world unless they agreed to a ban on even discussing abortion, and also undermined the role of international bodies such as the International Planned Parenthood Federation in providing advice and help with contraception.

A policy of enforced sterilization of women from certain social groups is rarer, but has sometimes been the outcome of deep seated prejudice. A number of countries practised sterilization in the 20th century influenced by racial and eugenicist beliefs: for example Japan under its Eugenics Protection Law which applied from 1948 to 1996. (The Japanese government passed a law in 2019 to compensate women who had been sterilized.) Government programmes in both the USA and Canada targeted Indigenous women, and US sterilization policies extended in some states to people of colour, immigrants, unmarried mothers, and the mentally or physically disabled. Sterilization is rarer today, but it is part of the widely condemned Chinese Communist Party campaign against Uighur culture and identity (see Vol.1. C.II.1.e.) Sterlization policies have prompted some recent protests by women who have suffered under them. In Peru Qwuipu women demonstrated in 2017 against the enforced sterilization of over 300,000 women between 1995 and 2000. Women from the Roma community in the Czech Republic are campaigning for official recognition that the Communist regime forcibly sterilized both Roma and disabled women from the 1970s-1990s and that (although this policy was then disavowed) in practice women were still being sterilized without their full consent up to 2007. This issue was taken up by the Czech Ombudswoman in 2014, but the government rejected her proposals. It is now before the European Court of Human Rights and the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women.

Enforced sterilization is both a denial of women's rights and a policy reflecting unjust and often brutal discrimination against particular social groups. The moral issues surrounding policies on abortion are more complex, even though draconian laws and cases of extreme individual injustice (as in the examples cited from Latin America earlier) have often been linked to far right ideology and illiberal alliances between religious institutions and the state. But any political policy on abortion has to weigh the rights of women against the rights of unborn children, and legislation has to resolve both scientific and moral issues about when a foetus becomes a person. The major world religions differ in their interpretation of when 'ensoulment' occurs, and how far, if at all, abortion may be justified; there are also wide variations within each faith depending on specific religious affiliations and local cultural attitudes. Religious views also differ on specific issues, such as abortion to preserve the life or health of the mother, or to take account of the future health and life prospects for the baby.

Abortion rights became a major and polarizing issue in the second feminist wave of the late 1960s and 1970s, and is a key demand in many national movements still today. Feminists stress women's fundamental right to have control over their own lives and bodies and to resist patriarchal political and religious pressure. But where secular and liberal political policies result in legislation for abortion, medical staff in many countries have claimed and been granted a right to 'conscientious objection' on religious or moral grounds to refuse to carry out abortions. In principle this claim is hard to dispute; but in practice widespread conscientious refusal may undercut the actual availability of safe medical abortion for women, especially for poor or rural women. These issues are discussed in some of the references below.

Against Her Will. Forced and Coerced Sterilization of Women Worldwide, Open Society Foundations, 2011

This Open Society Foundations fact sheet provides information on instances of forced sterilization of racial and ethnic minorities, poor women, women living with HIV, and women with disabilities in Chile, Czech Republic, the Dominican Republic, Egypt, Hungary, India, Mexico, Namibia, Kenya, Peru, Slovakia, South Africa, Spain, Venezuela, the United Kingdom, the United States and Uzbekistan. It also provides recommendations for governments, medical professionals, UN agencies, and donors on how to end the practice of forced and coerced sterilization.

Bloomer, Fiona ; Pierson, Claire ; Estrada, Sylvia, Reimagining Global Abortion Politics: A Social Justice Perspective, Bristol and Chicago, Policy Press, 2020, pp. 176

This book uses case studies from a range of countries to provide a transnational and interdisciplinary analysis of trends in abortion politics, and considers how religion, nationalism, and culture impact on abortion law and access. It also explores the impact of international human rights norms and the role of activists on law reform and access to abortion. Finally the authors examine the future of abortion politics through the more holistic lens of ‘reproductive justice’. The countries included are: Argentina, Egypt, Northern Ireland, Republic of Ireland, South Africa, Uruguay and the US.

Chesney-Lind, Meda ; Hadi, Syeda Tonima, Patriarchy, Abortion, and the Criminal System: Policing Female Bodies, Women & Criminal Justice, Vol. 27, issue 1, 2017, pp. 73-88

This paper argues for a conceptualisng denial of abortion as the patriarchal policing of women’s bodies and their sexuality. The authors briefly review international trends regarding abortion politics, including many thousands of abortion related deaths, injuries and loss of fertility, and then analyze women’s access to abortion in two countries, the United States and Bangladesh, which represent two very different contexts: the developed and developing world. They argue that abortion services are being constrained by misogynistic politics that deny women control over their bodies. Finally, the paper reviews recent international efforts to establish abortion rights in the context of human rights. In particular, a recent United Nation’s report describes moves to recriminalise both contraception and abortion in the U.S. and Europe as the deliberate denial of medically available and necessary services and hence a form of “torture.”

Jin, Zhixin, How Do Anti-abortion and Abortion Rights Groups Deploy Ideas About Islam in Their Activism Regarding Abortion, Journal of Politics and Law, Vol. 12, issue 1, 2018, pp. 38-47

Abortion is a hotly debated topic among Muslim communities. In this paper, the author examines how both anti-abortion and abortion rights groups deploy ideas about Islam. She analised the language used by these groups when describing Muslim communities and Muslim views and found that a majority of them did not include arguments from both sides. Almost all the Anti-Abortion Websites included generalizations about the Muslim community, and also used the conservative elements in Islamic Religion to persuade more Muslims to join their stance on abortion.

Killeen, Charlotte, How Polish women are resisting the latest attempt to ban abortion, Green World, 05/11/2020,

European Studies graduate Charlotte Killeen outlines the national and Europe-wide reactions to Poland’s near-total ban on abortion, ’after a 2020 Constitutional Court ruling that excluded foetal abnormalities (previously recognized as a ground for abortion) from exemption to the general ban.

Lies, Elaine, Japanese to compensate victims of forced sterilization, Reuters, 24/04/2019,

Report on Japanese law that compensates thousands of people who were sterilized, often without their consent, under a government program to prevent the birth of “inferior descendants” that remained in effect under “Eugenics Protection Law”, from 1948 to 1996.

See also: Kyodo, ‘Woman sues Japan over forced sterilization under eugenics law’, Japan Times, 3 July 2020.

https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2020/07/03/national/crime-legal/forced-sterilization-eugenics-law-court/#.Xx8tYvhKhxg

Muszel, Magdalena ; Piotrowski, Grzegorz, They’re uncompromising”: How the young transformed Poland’s abortion protests, Open Democracy, 11/11/2020,

The authors discuss the new cross-generational alliance behind the militant October/November 2020 mass protests against government implementation of the Constitutional Court ruling excluding foeatal abnormalities as a reason to have an abortion.

See also Torrisi, Claudia, ‘Abortion Without Borders: a bold, feminist reply to Poland’s draconian laws’, OpenDemocracy, 28 September 2020.
https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/5050/abortion-without-borders-a-bold-fe...

Highlights initiatives to help women exercise their limited abortion rights in Poland. These include Abortion Without Borders (which offers advice and funds to women seeking abortion abroad), Abortion Dream Team and Kobiety w Sieci (Poland’s first online forums for unbiased abortion information).

Oberman, Michelle, Her Body, Our Laws: On the Front Lines of the Abortion War, from El Salvador to Oklahoma, Boston, Massachusetts, Beacon Press, 2018, pp. 192

Drawing on her years of research in El Salvador, legal scholar Michelle Oberman explores the consequences of criminalizing abortion. She then turns her attention to the United States, where the battle over abortion takes place, in her opinion, almost exclusively in legislatures and courtrooms. Focusing on Oklahoma, she interviews current and former legislators and activists, and shows how Americans voice their moral opposition to abortion by supporting laws that would restrict it. She challenges this approach to the law by highlighting the real life impact of laws and policies on motherhood and abortion on women.

Penovic, Tania ; Sifris, Ronli, Expanding the feminisation dimension of international law: targeted anti-abortion protest as violence against women, Cambridge International Law Journal, Vol. 7, issue 2, 2018, pp. 241-267

International law has expanded significantly to encompass abuse of women’s rights, as a result of pressure from international civil society. There is now strong support for recognising violence against women as a human right issue. But attempts by women’s groups to promote consensus on reproductive rights, especially the right to safe access to abortion, have met with strong opposition or conservative religious bodies at both an international and local level. This article includes a case study of local direct action in Australia against access to abortion, and also a wider evaluation of the impact of anti-abortion protest groups on women’s rights. It also examines how far legislation to limit anti-abortion activism in designated areas is effective, and how far such legislation is consistent with international norms and feminised international laws.

Phillips, Tom ; Booth, Amy ; Goni, Uki, "We Did It!” A Milestone for Women as Abortion is Legalised, Guardian Weekly, 08/01/2021, pp. 15-16

Reports the jubilation of pro-choice demonstrators in Buenos Aires after the Senate (which had voted down legalization of abortion in 2018) passed a law allowing termination in the first 14 weeks of pregnancy for any reason. Argentina became then third South American country (after Uruguay and Guyana) to decriminalize abortion, and there are likely to b repercussions across the region. The authors summarize the five years of mass campaigning by the women’s movement in Argentina that led to this result.

See also: ‘Green Wave, Blue Water: Abortion in Latin America’, Economist, 9 Jan. 2021, pp.41-2.

This article discusses the significance of and probable repercussions of the legalization of abortion in Argentina, in the context of the generally very restrictive position in many other countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. The article notes the possible positive repercussions in Peru and Mexico and that legalizing abortion may be raised in proposed constitutional change in Chile. But the article also warns that the Argentinian law will mobilize forces strongly opposed to abortion.

Ross, Loretta, Reproductive Justice as Intersectional Feminist Activism, Souls, Vol. 19, issue 3, 2017, pp. 286-599

Reproductive justice activists have used the concept of ‘intersectionality’ to promote one of the most important shifts in reproductive politics. The Combahee River Collective, twelve Black women working within and outside the pro-choice movement in 1994 coined the term “reproductive justice” to “recognize the commonality of our experiences and, from the sharing and growing consciousness, to a politics that will change our lives and inevitably end our oppression.” This paper argues that this concept has linked activists and academics stimulating numerous scholarly articles, new forms of organising by women of colour, and the reorganization of philanthropic foundations. It examines how reproductive justice+e is used as an organising and theoretical framework, and discusses Black patriarchal and feminist theoretical discourses through a reproductive justice lens.

Ross, Loretta ; Roberts, Lynn ; Derkas, Erika ; Peoples, Whitney ; Bridgewater, Pamela, Radical Reproductive Justice, New York , Feminist Press, 2017, pp. 500

This anthology assembles two decades of work initiated by SisterSong Women of Color Health Collective, creators of the human rights-based 'reproductive justice' framework designed to move beyond polarised pro-choice/pro-life debates. Rooted in Black feminism and built on intersecting identities, this framework asserts a woman's right to have children or not, and that of parents to provide for the children they do have.

Sethna, Christabelle ; Davis, Gayle, Abortion Across Borders: Transnational Travel and Access to Abortion Services, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 2019, pp. 360

The authors examine how restrictive policies force women to travel both within and across national borders in order to reach abortion providers, often at great expense, over long distances and with significant safety risks. Contributors, who adopt both historical and contemporary perspectives, examine the situation culturally and politically diverse in regions that include Australia, Canada, Eastern Europe, Ireland, New Zealand, Poland, Prince Edward Island, Spain, Sweden, Texas, and post-Brexit referendum UK.

Stettner, Shannon ; Acherman, Katrina ; Burnett, Kristin ; Hay, Travis, Transcending Borders. Abortion in the Past and Present, Cham, Switzerland, Palgrave Macmillan, 2017, pp. 360

This volume investigates different abortion and reproductive practices across time, space, geography, national boundaries, and cultures. The authors specialise in the reproductive politics of Australia, Bolivia, Cameroon, France, ‘German East Africa,’ Ireland, Japan, Sweden, South Africa, the United States and Zanzibar, and cover the pre-modern era and the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, as well as the present day. Contributors draw on different theoretical frameworks, including ‘intersectionality’ and ‘reproductive justice’ to explore the very varied conditions in which women have been forced to make these life-altering decisions.

Stevenson, Robin, My Body, My Choice. The Fight For Abortion Rights, Victoria, Canada, OrCA book Publishing, 2019, pp. 176

The book notes the long history of pro-choice activism, and explores new limits on abortion in the United States under the Trump/Pence Administration, as well as the global impact of US policy. The author then charts the pro-choice movements led by women in Canada, Ireland, and Poland; the interconnection between diversity and abortion; and the fight against abortion stigma. It also includes testimonies of women who have had abortions.

Thomson, Jennifer ; Pierson, Claire, Can abortion rights be integrated into the Women, Peace and Security agenda?, International Feminist Journal of Politics, Vol. 20, issue 3, 2018, pp. 350-365

Reproductive rights are an under-theorised aspect of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda as UN Security Council resolutions (e.g. UNSC resolution 1325) demonstrate. Yet reproductive rights are central to women’s security, health and human rights. Although they feature in the 2015 Global Study on UNSC resolution 1325, there is less reference to reproductive rights, and to abortion specifically, neither in the text of United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions themselves, nor in the National Action Plans (NAPs, policy documents created by individual countries to outline their implementation plans for 1325). Through content analysis of all resolutions and NAPs produced to date, this article asks where abortion is in the WPS agenda. It argues that the growing centrality of the WPS agenda to women’s rights in transitioning societies means that a lack of focus on abortion will marginalize the topic and stifle the development of liberal legalization.

Walsh, Janet, South Korea’s abortion reform. A model for others, Human Rights Watch, 2019

A ruling by South Korea’s Constitutional Court in April 2019, that the country’s abortion laws were unconstitutional, effectively decriminalised abortion. The court required the National Assembly to reform the law by December 2020.

F.5.a.ii. Europe

Amery, Fram, Beyond Pro-life and Pro-choice: The Changing Politics of Abortion in Britain, Bristol, Bristol University Press , 2020, pp. 224

The author analyses the evolution of the political discourse on abortion from the 1960s to today, and argues that, in order to understand the changing elements in the contemporary abortion debate in Britain, it is necessary to move beyond viewing abortion politics as pro-choice or pro-life.

De Zordo, Silvia ; Mishtal, Joanna ; Anton, Lorena, A Fragmented Landscape: Abortion Governance and Protest Logics in Europe, New York and Oxford, Berghahn, 2016, pp. 304

Since 1945 European states have achieved increasing levels of economic integration, but their social policy have varied. This is particularly true for contentious issues such as abortion, where different political and religious institutions and social movements have produced very different policies. This book provides an interdisciplinary survey of the struggles over abortion rights. Drawing on national case studies from across the continent, it analyses the strategies and discourses of groups seeking to liberalise or restrict reproductive rights, from the immediate postwar era to the austerity politics, resurgent nationalism, and mass migration of today.

EERC, Parallel Report by the European Roma Rights Centre concerning the Czech Republic, European Roma Rights Centre, 2016, pp. 8

This Report describes the situation regarding one of the most serious human rights abuses of women – the practice of coercive sterilisation among Romani women – and the legal, policy and other obstacles in reaching an effective remedy for the victims.

See also Van der Zee, Renate, ‘Roma women share stories of forced sterilisation’, Al Jazeera, 19 July 2016.

https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2016/07/roma-women-share-stories-forced-sterilisation-160701100731050.html

Ostrach, Bayla, Social Movements, Policy Change, and Abortion Access in Catalunya, Anthropology Now, Vol. 10, issue 2, 0, pp. 1-11

Explores abortion access in Catalonia for immigrant women in particular, within a context of austerity and the movement for separation from Spain.

Rostagnol, Susana, Abortion in Andalusia: Women’s rights after the Gallardón bill, Antropologia, Vol. 5, issue 2, 2018, pp. 113-136

This article, which draws on fieldwork in Andalusia in 2015 and 2016, examines the general position on abortion there. It traces earlier history: before 1983, when abortion was illegal; and developments up to the 2010 law (passed by the Socialist government) which allowed termination of pregnancy in the early stages at a woman’s request. When the Conservative government under Mariano Rajoy introduced the very restrictive ‘Gallardon’ bill in December 2013, it prompted widespread and ultimately largely successful opposition, in which feminists were prominent. The author, who interviewed gynaecologists in public hospitals and certified private clinics, health service staff, and pro-abortion and feminist activists, examines the ‘discourses’ used in the debate over the Gallardon bill. She also assesses the impact of that debate on provision of abortion in Andalusia, with particular reference to the role of conscientious objection by medical staff and the stigma of abortion.

Ireland

Republic of Ireland

The Republic, which was created in 1921 when it became independent of Britain, granted the Catholic Church a prominent role in Irish politics and society. Catholic doctrine therefore strongly influenced social policy on issues such as treatment of unmarried mothers, family planning and abortion. Church influence, combined with conservatism in rural areas, meant that the changing social attitudes to sexual issues experienced in the 1960s-70s in many European countries, and the demands of the second wave Women’s Liberation movement on issues like contraception and abortion, had less impact in the Republic. Indeed, in 1983 the Irish voted by a majority to enshrine a ‘right to life’ ban on abortion in the Irish Constitution. The ban was so rigorous that doctors still feared criminal prosecution in the first decade of the 21st century if they intervened to save the life of a mother. But many Irish girls and women travelled to Britain, where abortion was legalised (within certain limits) in 1967, in order to get safe abortions.

Attitudes within the Republic began to change, however, under the impact of EU membership and rising economic prosperity, as was dramatically confirmed when, in May 2015, Ireland became the first country to legalise same sex marriage as the result of a popular vote in a referendum. This change in social attitudes was confirmed by the strong vote in the 2018 referendum in favour of removing the ban on abortion from the Constitution, leading to new legislation.

Northern Ireland

When the Irish Republic was created in 1921, six of the provinces of Ulster (in which Protestants were in a majority) were allowed under the Treaty with Britain to became part of the United Kingdom. Northern Irelan was, however granted its own government and assembly (Stormont) and given certain devolved powers, including social policy and issues like abortion. Religious beliefs in the North, both of many Protestants (divided into a number of different churches and sects, including Presbyterians and Methodists), and of many in the Catholic minority, tended to oppose abortion. The major changes in politics in Northern Ireland as a result of the Good Friday Agreement of 1998, which resulted in power sharing between Protestant and Catholic political parties (see Vol. 2 section J for details) did not alter the restrictive policy on abortion. The result of the 2018 referendum in the South mobilised many women to demand change in the North. But change was brought about by the Westminster Parliament in July 2019, after internal disputes in the North had prevented elected members of Stormont sitting, and an executive being formed, for over two years. Back bench Labour MPs at Westminster had long campaigned for liberalisation in Northern Ireland, and as a result of the suspension of the government there were able to secure amendments to a technical bill covering budgetary and other matters in Northern Ireland on the grounds that government there was inoperative. As a result, the law on abortion in Britain would apply to Northern Ireland (the only part of the UK where abortion was still illegal). A last ditch attempt by Northern Irish politicians, through a hurried special session at Stormont, to prevent this process (and a similar liberalisation on gay rights) failed.

Timeline: the history of abortion in Ireland, the journal.ie, 23/12/2018,

Traces the most important steps that in the last 40 years have shaped the public debates and attitudes towards abortion, until the 25^th May 2018 referendum that legalised it in Ireland.

Young and old, city and country: Ireland unites to end abortion ban, Observer, 27/05/2018, pp. 1-3

Analyses the referendum and the 66.4 per cent vote to repeal the amendment to the Irish Constitution forbidding abortion.

See also on the same issue:

https://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2019/03/trumps-title-x-rule-change-planned-parenthood/584005/

https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2019/2/22/18236227/abortion-planned-parenthood-gag-rule-title-x

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/feb/26/trump-administration-title-x-abortion-funding

https://www.politico.com/story/2019/02/22/planned-parenthood-funding-trump-1164038

https://www.vox.com/2018/5/18/17367964/trump-abortion-planned-parenthood-defund

https://theintercept.com/2018/05/24/domestic-gag-rule-title-x-abortion-birth-control/

For a further explanation on the ‘global gag rule’ that aims to ban family planning clinics that get aid money from the United States and refer patients for abortions see

https://www.plannedparenthoodaction.org/blog/what-is-the-domestic-gag-rule

https://rewire.news/article/2019/02/22/what-you-need-to-know-about-trumps-attacks-on-the-federal-family-planning-program/

https://www.vox.com/2018/5/18/17367964/trump-abortion-planned-parenthood-defund

Bonow, Amelia ; Nokes, Emily, Shout Your Abortion, Oakland, CA, PM Press, 2018, pp. 256

This book collects stories related to experience of abortion in the US with the aim of de-stigmatising it. ‘Shout Your Abortion’ is also a media platform and a social movement that promotose pro-choice activism, which can be found at:

https://shoutyourabortion.com/

To read about the creator of #ShoutYourAbortion see https://www.reuters.com/article/us-abortion-usa-stigma/u-s-women-get-creative-in-fighting-abortion-stigma-idUSKCN0YH17E

To look at other pro-choice advocacy campaigns and their media platforms, see https://wetestify.org/ and http://www.1in3campaign.org/about

Brown, Jenny, Without Apology: The Abortion Struggle Now, Brooklyn, NY, Verso Books , 2019, pp. 208

As there is an anti-abortion majority on the Supreme Court, and several states only have one abortion clinic, many reproductive rights activists are on the defensive, hoping to hold on to abortion in a few places and cases. This book explains abortion access in the United States, and makes the argument for building a militant feminist movement to promote reproductive freedom.

Also watch the launching of the book and related conference at this link https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YhZfC0tGBpc

Deixer, Sophie, Whose body, whose choice: interactions between the pro-choice and pro-life social movements outside the abortion clinic, Senior Capstone Project, 2018, pp. 72

This project explores the discourse on abortion in the United States, examining the abortion clinic as a ‘space of interaction’ between the pro-choice and pro-life social movements. The author completed four months of participant observation in the fall of 2017 as a clinic escort at the Planned Parenthood clinic in Poughkeepsie, New York. She witnessed firsthand (and participated in) the interactions between the clinic escorts and the anti-abortion protestors who picketed the clinic each week. The study shows that, while the two sides of the debate adopt opposing ideologies, their ‘structure in this space’ does not actually look all that different.

Dobbins-Harris, Shyrissa, The myth of abortion as Black genocide: reclaiming our reproductive choice, National Black Law Journal 26, Vol. 26, issue 85, 2017, pp. 1-44

Abortion by Black women is often blamed on white women and their feminist ideology is seen as an insidious tool to further eradicate Black people in America, a view held by some anti-choice and self-proclaimed anti-racists, as well as some Black anti-choice activists. This article explores the myth of abortion as Black genocide as it pertains to Black women and their reproductive rights and the arguments used to promote this belief. After defining genocide and the stereotypes used by proponents of the abortion as Black genocide myth in Part I, Part II identifies and describes the past and current proponents of the myth. In Part III, the myth is placed within the ‘herstory’ umbrella, while part IV explores the myth in its current form, including examples of outreach and advertisements by its proponents. Finally, Part V showcases Black women's robust response to this myth and highlights their continued participation in the struggle for Black liberation.

Eimont, Sara, PGM: The Making of an Abortion Icon, Vol. Bachelor of Arts, Middletown, Connecticut, Weselyan University , 2018, pp. 88

This thesis examines the personal, public and professional life of celebrated abortion rights activist, Patricia Goyette Miller. The first section is based on the writer’s own family relationship to Miller and explores larger questions of archival and biographical work. The second section explores Miller’s life, considering how she came to commit herself to abortion rights activism in Colorado and Pennsylvania. The final section looks towards the future, applying lessons and strategies from Miller’s life to consider the best next steps forward in the current US political context.

Harmon, Amy, Fetal Heartbeat’ vs. ‘Forced Pregnancy’: the language war of the abortion debate, The New York Times, 22/05/2019,

Explores how both pro-choice and pro-life supporters have employed language over abortion rights and shaped its debate.

Harper, Sarah, Abortion politics are isolating the US at the UN, International Women’s Wealth Coalition, 06/03/2019,

Draws comparisons between the Trump Administration’s isolationist and disunited foreign policy and its consistent approach, both nationally and internationally, towards restrictive sexual and reproductive rights.

Holland, Jennifer, Tiny You: A Western History of the Anti-Abortion Movement, Oakland, CA, University of California Press, 2020, pp. 324

Account of the growth of the grassroots campaign against legalised abortion in the US. Whilst other socially conservative movements have lost young activists, the pro-life movement has successfully recruited more young people to its cause. Jennifer Holland explores why abortion dominates conservative politics. She studied anti-abortion movements in four US western states since the 1960s and argues that activists made foetal life feel personal to many Americans. Pro-life activists persuaded people to see themselves in the pins, images of embryos, and dolls and made the fight against abortion the primary day-to-day issue for social conservatives. Holland concludes that the success of the pro-life movement derives from the borrowed logic and emotional power of leftist activism.

Hurley, Lawrence, U.S. Supreme Court declines Alabama bid to revive abortion restriction, Reuters, 28/06/2019,

Decision by the U.S. Supreme Court that declined to hear Alabama’s 2019 bid to revive a Republican-backed state law that would have effectively banned the ‘dismemberment abortion’ procedure after 15 weeks of pregnancy. Through this procedure, the woman’s cervix is dilated and the contents of the uterus removed. The decision by the U.S. Supreme Court left in place a lower court ruling that protects woman’s constitutional right to abortion recognized in the landmark 1973 Roe vs. Wade ruling.

Kosenko, Kami ; Winderman, Emily ; Pugh, Abigail, The Hijacked Hashtag: The Constitutive Features of Abortion Stigma in the #ShoutYourAbortion Twitter Campaign, International Journal of Communication, Vol. 13, 2019, pp. 1-21

Although originally intended to de-stigmatise abortion, the #ShoutYourAbortion Twitter campaign was hijacked by anti-abortionists who linked the hashtag to hundreds of stigmatising anti-abortion messages. Using a Twitter Search API, the authors collected these messages (1,990 tweets) to identify the discursive features of abortion stigma.

Law, Tara, Here are the details of the abortion legislation in Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana and elsewhere, Time, 18/05/2018,

Provides detailed information about the abortion laws in Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, and Ohio.

Malo, Sebastien, Thousands donate to Planned Parenthood in name of anti-abortion U.S. vice president-elect, Reuters, 15/11/2016,

Outlines the result of a social media campaign against Trump and Pence’s decision to curtail women’s right to abortion that saw thousands of people making private donations to Planned Parenthood in the name of Vice President-elect, Mike Pence.

North, Annah, How abortion became a partisan issue in America, Vox, 10/04/2019,

Examines the evolution of the abortion debate since 1970s; the polarization of Republicans and Democrats, and the grassroots movements that have developed through the years.

Ross, Loretta ; Solinger, Rickie, Reproductive Justice. An Introduction, Vol. 1, Oakland, CA, university of California Press, 2017, pp. 360

Scholar-activists Loretta Ross and Ricki Solinger provide an intersectional analysis of race, class, and gender politics and focus on the experiences of women of colour. They use a human rights analysis to show how the discussion around ‘reproductive justice’ differs significantly from the pro-choice/anti-abortion arguments that have long dominated the debate. They argue that reproductive justice is a political movement for reproductive rights and social justice, and highlight the complex web of structural obstacles facing women of different background.

Siddiqui, Sabrina, How has Donald Trump’s first year affected women, The Guardian, 18/01/2018,

Discusses the women’s resistance movement that developed in the context of the incoming Trump’s presidency and the subsequent creation of the ‘Me Too’ movement, with particular regard to the restrictions on abortion and contraception put in place by the forty-fifth’ U.S. Administration.

Thomson-DeVeaux, Amelia, Here’s why the anti-abortion movement is escalating, FiveThirtyEight, 21/05/2019,

Reports on the legally aggressive strategy over abortion that Republican lawmakers have pursued since 2010 in at least five U.S. states. Provides detailed charts that show typologies of ‘abortion restriction’ state legislatures; examines how states have restricted abortion access, and makes prediction on how the Alabama Supreme Court’s conservative majority might legislate in light of the 2020 elections.

Ziegler, Mary, Beyond Abortion: Roe v. Wade and the Battle for Privacy, Cambridge, Massachusetts , Harvard University Press, 2018, pp. 400

Mary Ziegler examines how Roe influenced a wide range of issues, including sexual liberty and the right to refuse medical treatment. The author explores a much wider range of political protest than simply abortion, and describes how social movements debated the meaning of privacy and struggled to use this concept to pursue political ends.

Ziegler, Mary, Abortion and the Law in America: Roe v. Wade to the Present, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2020, pp. 326

Since the Supreme Court seems likely to reverse Roe v. Wade, the landmark abortion decision, American debate appears fixated on clashing rights. This work draws attention to an entirely different and unexpected shift in the terms of debate: instead of simply championing their own rights, those on opposing sides debated about the policy costs and benefits of abortion vs. the laws restricting it. This mostly unrecognized development deepened polarization. Whilst maintaining their constitutional demands, pro-choice and pro-life advocates increasingly disagreed about the basic facts. Drawing on unexplored records and interviews with key participants, Ziegler challenges the view that the Supreme Court is primarily responsible for the escalation of the conflict and charts social-movements divides and crucial legal strategies.

Latin America

Dominican Republic. Policies fuel teens pregnancy, Human Rights Watch, 2019

Describes the Human Right Watch campaign against the denial of sexual and reproductive rights to young women in the Dominican Republic, which has the highest teen pregnancy rate in Latin America. The country has failed to provide scientifically accurate, right-based sexual education programmes in schools, as the authorities announced they would do in 2015. This article also provides the link to a 50-page report, I Felt Like The World Was Falling Down On Me: Sexual And Reproductive Health And Rights In The Dominican Republic’, which is based on interviews with 30 girls who became pregnant before turning 18 and provides an overview on the stigmatization and clandestine-abortion related risks these young women face.

Anderson, Cora, Decriminalizing Abortion in Uruguay: Women’s Movements, Secularism, and Political Allies, Journal of Women, Politics, & Policy, Vol. 38, issue 2, 2016, pp. 221-246

In 2012 Uruguay became the second country in Latin America to decriminalize abortion during the first trimester. Drawing on original field research, this article argues that the reform was due to the existence of a strong campaign for decriminalization. The women’s movement framed their case to resonate within civil society, gathered support from key social actors, and collaborated closely with sympathetic legislators. Success was also due to the limited influence of the Catholic Church, a president open to abortion reform, and a highly institutionalized party system creating a strong leftist coalition.

Cariboni, Diana, How ‘conscientious objectors’ threaten women’s newly-won abortion rights in Latin America, OpenDemocracy, 18/07/2018,

Discusses the negative implication of the right of doctors and nurses to claim ‘objection of conscience’ over women’s right to have an abortion in Latin America.

Davy, Steven, The red cloak of ‘The Handmaid’s Tale’ is becoming a symbol for reproductive rights, PRI, 08/08/2018,

Brief exploration of the increasing use of the red cloak as a symbol of advocacy for reproductive rights in Northern Ireland, the US, the Caribbean and Latin America.

Maira, Gloria ; Casas, Lidia ; Vovaldi, Lieta, Abortion in Chile. The Long Road to Legalization and its Slow Implementation, Health and Human Rights Journal, Vol. 21, issue 2, 2020, pp. 121-131

Until as recently as September 2017, Chile was one of the few countries in the world that did not permit abortion under any circumstances. Although the Health Code had permitted therapeutic abortion on health grounds from 1931, this was repealed in 1989 as one of General Pinochet’s last acts in office. It took more than 25 years to reverse the ban. Finally, a new act was approved allowing abortion on three grounds: when a woman’s life is in danger, when there are foetal anomalies incompatible with life, and in the case of rape. Since the law allows abortion only in limited cases, most women continue to seek illegal abortions. In this paper, the authors explore the historical context in which Chile’s 2017 bill was finally passed and analyze the legislative debate. They also present the results of a community-based participatory research effort carried out by feminist and human rights organizations. Despite the 2017 law, this research shows the persistence of various obstacles to women’s access to legal abortion, such as conscientious objection by medical staff a lack of trained health care providers, and a lack of information for women.

Mariela, Belski, Argentina’s abortion vote was a stepping stone not a setback, Time, 10/08/2018,

In a positive light, Belski discusses the advances in the fight to legalise abortion in Argentina, despite the Senate refusing to pass a bill legalising abortion in 2018. She notes the change in language by the media whilst referring to women and men; the establishment of mainstream discourses on sexual harassment and gender-based violence, and the recognition of the symbolic power of the handkerchiefs that identify the widespread pro-choice movement in Argentina and the rest of Latin America.

For the re-launch of the campaign for legal abortion see https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/02/abortion-rights-campaigners-flood-streets-buenos-aires-190220143549930.html

Piñeiro, Claudia, Argentina's women will not be defeated, Guardian Weekly, 17/08/2019,

Discusses Senate vote against legalising abortion in Argentina.

Prandini, Mariana, Liberating abortion pills in legally restricted settings, in Henne, Kathryn and Rita Shah (eds.) Routledge Handbook of Public Criminologies, In , New York and London, Taylor & Francis, pp. 120-130

Mariana Prandini examines how Brazilian feminists mobilized against the criminalization of abortion in August 2018, when people from different countries in Latin America gathered for a week for the Festival for Women’s Lives. Brazilian, Uruguayan and Argentinian activists exchanged information about their own struggles for abortion rights. Prandini also analyses the criminalization of the abortion pill and its effect on abortion activism in Brazil.

Singer, Elyse, Realizing Abortion Rights at the Margins of Legality in Mexico, Medical Anthropology, Vol. 38, issue 2, 2019, pp. 167-181

This paper analyses conceptual and tactical approaches adopted by Las Fuertes, a feminist organization that campaign for abortion rights in the conservative Mexican state of Guanajuato. Since a series of United Nations agreements throughout the 1990s enshrined reproductive rights as universal human rights, Mexican feminists have adopted the human rights platform as the basis for lobbying the government to reform restrictive abortion laws. This strategy has been successful in Mexico City in 2007 when abortion was legalised. Rather than seeking to implement abortion laws through legalistic channels, Las Fuertes has effectively challenged Mexican reproductive governance in an adversarial political environment.

Sutton, Barbara ; Borland, Elizabeth, Abortion and Human Rights for Women in Argentina, Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies, Vol. 40, issue 2, 2019, pp. 27-61

Explores the criminalization of abortion in Argentina and its implications for the lives of women, such as maternal mortality and clandestine practice. The article also covers the struggle of feminist activists to include reproductive rights within the framework of human rights.

Websites recommended

The fight for abortion in Latin America (Audio) - https://player.fm/series/latino-rebels-radio-1010854/ep-214-the-fight-for-abortion-in-latin-america 2019,

Latino Rebels Radio interview with Paula Ávila-Guillén, a human rights lawyer and women’s rights activist, on the fight to legalize abortion in several Latin American countries and the work that the Women’s Equality Center is doing, gearing up for legislative pushes around abortions rights.

F.5.b. Women Rise Up against Rape, Violence and Sexual Harassment and #MeToo

On the evolution of #MeToo see the introduction to the F.5. section above.

F.5.b.iv. Asia

This subsection focuses especially on China and India, two major Asian countries with contrasting political, religious and cultural histories and contemporary types of government. But many other important countries and traditions, as well as impressive feminist campaigns, should of course be recognised. We plan to fill some of these gaps as soon as is practicable.

F.5.b.iv.1. China

'International Slut’ activist Li Maizi is one of China’s loudest feminist voices, Broadly, 21/03/2017,

Explores the struggles and campaigns on anti-sexual harassment and gender equality led by Li Maizi in China - where she was arrested for more than a month as part of the Feminist Five – and the UK, where she came visiting on the occasion of the Million Women Rise demonstration in London.

Cahill, Petra ; Liu, Dawn, Chinese feminists push #MeToo movement amid censorship, NBCNews, 03/05/2018,

The authors also attribute the outspokenness of young women activists to the one-child policy enforced in China in 1979. They argue that parents could devote more financial resources to their only children, enabling them to become more independent and educated, and therefore able to recognise and fight against sexism'.

Feng, Jiayun, Chinese university instructors sign anti-sexual harassment manifesto (Full translation), SupChina, 22/01/2018,

In response to the climate set worldwide by #MeToo, this article reports on an anti-sexual harassment manifesto written by professor Xu Kaibin, following the case involving Chen Xiaowu, a former professor at Beihang University, who was stripped of all teaching duties after sexual harassment allegations from a former student. The manifesto was signed by more than 50 academics across more than 30 Universities in China.

Haynes, Suyin, Author Leta Hong Fincher shows why the world should pay attention to China’s feminists, Time, 14/11/2018,

Writer and academic Leta Hong Fincher discusses the feminist movement in China in connection with the development of #MeToo in the USA. She also discusses the impact of the arrest in 2015 of the Feminist Five on the struggle for Chinese women’s equality and the patriarchal authoritarianism’ of Chinese leader Xi Jinping, noting similarities with other world leaders.

HongFincher, Leta, Betraying Big Brother: The Feminist Awakening in China, London, Verso, 2018, pp. 240

Story of the 'Feminist Five' who were jailed in 2015 for a protest against sexual harassment, and the art and activism of their supporters. The book also examines the official gender equality policy of the Communist Party since 1949, and the recent suppression of dissidence and bans on foreign support for NGOs.

See also ‘Talking policy: Leta Hong Fincher on feminism in China’, World Policy, 2 June 2017: https://worldpolicy.org/2017/06/02/talking-policy-leta-hong-fincher-on-feminism-in-china/

Leta Hong discusses her book Leftover Women: The Resurgence of gender Inequality in China and the development of feminism in China from the post- socialist era up to today.

To read the first-hand account on the arrest of one activist of the ‘Feminist Five’ and other initiatives to free them, see this comprehensive article https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/mar/08/feminist-stickers-china-backash-women-activists

Liao, Shannon, China’s feminist movement braves a government crackdown on #MeToo, The Verge, 09/02/2018,

Provides insights on aspects of Chinese culture that remain deeply patriarchal in a way that mixes Communist, capitalist, and Confucian values. It also provides links to organised feminist initiatives in China; reports on sexual harassment and gender discrimination; and sheds light on positive initiatives by the government to protect women alongside grave episodes of censorship on the occasion of worldwide #MeToo mobilisation and other forms of feminist street protests and art performances.

Liao, Shannon, #MeToo makes its way to China, but will the government censor it?, The Verge, 11/01/2018,

Gives background to one of the catalysts for the development of #MeToo in China - translated as “我也是” or #WoYeShi -, namely a social media post by academic Luo Xixi in December 2017, in which she accused her former doctoral professor Chen Xiaowu of unwanted sexual advances.

Pin, Lü, Will China have its #MeToo movement?, Amnesty International, 24/11/2017,

Although sexual harassment and its consequences for women and society at large are not acknowledged in Chinese society, in June 2017 anti-harassment ads appeared in subway stations across Beijing, Shanghai, Chengdu and Shenzhen – in campaigns funded either by corporations or by the government-backed All-China Women’s Federation. This report from Amnesty International discusses the development of feminist struggles in China since the arrest of the ‘Feminist Five’ in 2015, with a particular focus on to the development of feminist activism from 2017 onwards.

For a very detailed report on the development of the #MeToo movement in China by the same author, see also https://chinadigitaltimes.net/2018/09/lu-pin-metoo-from-butterflies-to-hurricanes/

For an understanding on Feminist Five's activist, Li Maizi, see also https://www.juanxucurator.com/feminist-activism-in-china-in-conversation-with-li-maizi-2017.html#

Yu, Zhongli, A new wave of feminism: China’s #MeToo. First in the West, now in the East, Policy Forum, 17/01/2019,

Zhongly Yu explores four eras during which feminism evolved in China. The first wave was characterised by the May Fourth Movement from 1915 until 1921 – a political, social, and cultural revolution; the second wave that spanned from 1949 to the late 1970s, was government-led, with state policies mobilising rural and urban women in the public sphere as important builders of society; a third wave, beginning in the 1980s and ending in the 1990s, was led by female academics, and was characterised by the concept of ‘female essence’ and a concern for achieving harmony between women and men; the fourth, more recent wave is led by young feminist activists and focuses on gender equality and male sexual misconduct.

Zeng, Jing, #MeToo as Connective Action: A Study of the Anti-Sexual Violence and Anti-Sexual Harassment Campaign on Chinese Social Media in 2018, Journalism Practice, Vol. 14, issue 2, 2020, pp. 171-190

This study of China’s #MeToo draws upon the theory of connective actions to investigate how digital technologies influence the way in which feminist activism takes place. The author analysed over 36,000 online articles related to the campaign, and found 48 cases of sexual violence and harassment allegations. Time series analysis show that China's #MeToo campaign first emerged within educational institutions before gradually spreading to other sectors of society. Studying the ten most controversial cases, this paper identifies a series of counter-censorship strategies. The study of how the #MeToo movement in China evolved within an authoritarian context shows how connective actions traverse various platforms and cultural contexts. Methodologically, this study demonstrates how both qualitative and quantitative methods can be used to study connective actions on social media in China.

Zhang, Jinman, The Sensitive Period, Big Vs, and the Diaspora: A Brief Account of #MeToo in China, SMSociety '19: Proceedings of the 10th International Conference on Social Media and Society, pp. 224-232, 2019

The author examines the context surrounding the #MeToo movement in China, how hashtags were used to circumvent censorship, and the role that Chinese diasporic communities played in the process. The results demonstrate the practice of disguised collective action, and the choices made by different actors in attempting to circumvent censorship.

F.5.b.iv.2. India

India’s #MeToo movement’ documentary, Now This World, 2018,

The short documentary explores the rise of the #MeToo movement in India. It also shows how the accusations on sexual harassment extended from the media industry to academia and the political sector, alongside campaigning for women to speak up when harassment happens in the private sphere as well. Men and women in India have been speaking up against violence against women since 2012-2013, following the death of a 23 year-old young woman. This episode initiated a more grounded conversation on sexual assault against women and especially against women of lower castes. In fact, according to Indian’s Crime National Bureau, more than four Dalit women – the ‘untouchable’ - are raped every day. In 2018, India was rated the most dangerous country in the world for women by the Thompson Reuter Foundation because of high rates of sexual violence. Reports attested that in 2016, India had 338,954 reported crimes against women (38,947 were rapes).

For first hand interviews with survivors, please see: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=13w-CJRoi30&vl=en.

See also: India was highlighted as one of the worst country for sexual violence, human trafficking, and for cultural and religious discrimination by Thomson Reuters Foundation’s 2018 survey (http://poll2018.trust.org/country/?id=india).

Abhery, Roy, The year when #MeToo shook India, The Economic Times, 27/12/2018,

This article reviews the birth and development of the #MeToo movement in India and its protagonists – mainly members of the movie industry - one year after its widespread endorsement in the US.

Ayub, Rana, #MeToo: In India, women are no longer prepared to remain silent, Guardian Weekly, 27/10/2018, pp. 18-19

Discusses the rising momentum of accusation of harassment in the press, politics, and the film industry and implications for wider culture of rape.

See also: 'Sexual harassment in India: Pests decried; A minister's resignation boosts # MeToo in India', Economist, 20 October, 2018, p. 57; and ' Sexism in India: Nuns, pilgrims and starlets', Economist, 6 October, 2018, p.51 on women's protests in several contexts, including nuns' hunger strike against a bishop accused of harassment, which achieved his removal and trial.

Biswas, Soulik, Why India's rape crisis shows no signs of abating, BBC News, 17/04/2018,

Starts with the example of an unidentified mutilated body of a girl in Gujarat, a victim of prolonged gang rape and assault, and discusses the impact of the unnaturally high proportion of men to women (largely due to illegal sex selection abortions) on the level of rape. Since the widely publicised 2012 gang-rape and murder of a student in Delhi, statistic suggest a doubling of rapes of children, but Biswas cautions that better reporting of rapes by police and media, and a widening of the definition of rape, may partly account for the rise.

International Institute for Population Sciences (IIPS), ; ICF, National Family Health Survey (NFHS-4), 2015-16: India, Mumbai, IIPS, 2017, pp. 637

A large scale survey conducted in a representative sample of households throughout India. It reports that 30% percent of women aged 15-49 in India have experienced physical violence since age 15, amongst many other forms of violence or discrimination, and the social context that makes it difficult to challenge. The National Family Health Survey 2018-2019 is yet to be published.

Kumar, Raksha, Why the ‘MeToo’ movement is succeeding at last, OpenDemocracy, 07/12/2018,

Kumar discusses why the ‘first wave’ of the ‘Me Too’ movement in India in October 2017 was not very effective, but argues that the ‘second wave’ from Autumn 2018 has been better organised, provided better evidence of harassment and brought in more women. Therefore, there is now some hope that earlier 2013 legislation against sexual harassment in the workplace may be implemented in practice.

National Crime Record Bureau – Ministry of Home Affairs, Crime in India 2016. Statistics, New Delhi, Government of India, 2017

The report reveals that India recorded 106 rapes a day, and 4 victims out of every 10 were minors. In 95% of the cases it reveals that the perpetrator was a relative, such as a brother, father, grandfather, son or other man close to the family. In 2016, a total of 38,947 rapes were registered in the country under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act (POCSO) as well as Section 376 and other related section of the Indian Penal Code. In a positive light, the report indicates that the number of reports to the police is increasing each year. However, only 26% of rape cases ended up in conviction in 2016.

Nigar, Shazia, Violence against India’s Dalit women on the increase, Asia Times, 23/07/2018,

A brief analysis of the violence Dalit women experience in India. Dalit women – the ‘untouchables’ – suffer from gender and class-based violence more than Dalit men, non-Dalit men and non-Dalit women. Cases of rape are not reported or followed through due to social stigma and non-cooperation by police. The Ministry of the Home Affairs has signaled in its 2017-2018 report that rape and generally violence against women had been on the increase (See https://mha.gov.in/sites/default/files/MINISTRY%20OF%20HOME%20AFFAIR%20AR%202017-18%20FOR%20WEB.pdf).

A Dalit women’s collective met at the 38^th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council to speak against gender- and class-based violence. The collective release a report titled ‘Voices Against Caste Impunity: Narratives of Dalit Women in India’ that talks about the violence suffered and the struggles survivors go through to obtain justice with the aim that policy measures should be taken to address the issue.

Thummalachetty, Nityanjali ; Di Carlo, Abby, #MeToo in India: Crucial lessons from the US experience, The Telegraph Online, 19/12/2018,

Comparing the US experience with India, this article promotes a broader discussion on the elements and causes of sexual harassment as well as mentioning some of the obstacles that need to be overcome in order to build a more respectful and equal society, namely toxic masculinity and the complicity behind it. The article envisages #MeToo India as a movement that can broaden the scope of #MeToo as an international social movement.

The Indian media platform ‘Agents of Ishq’ provides a brief guide online to tackle sexual harassment and sexual assault which can be found here: https://www.telegraphindia.com/india/the-metoo-faq-for-smart-women/cid/1672410?ref=also-read_story-page

F.5.b.iv.3 Japan

New Approaches: #MeToo in Japan and the UK, Daiwa Anglo-Japanese Foundation, 26/06/2018,

In this seminar, the impact of #MeToo was discussed in relation to the UK and Japan. The speakers outlined the implications and effects that the movement has had across each society and the extent to which it may impact government policies and legislation. The discussion also noted the challenges that the movement faces in both Japan and the UK.

A link to the video of the Conference can be found here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9XqL--SOaJI

A summary of two presentation can be read here http://dajf.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/Metoo-event-write-up.pdf

Dalton, Emma, Sexual harassment of women politicians in Japan, Journal of Gender-Based Violence, Vol. 1, issue 2, 2017, pp. 205-219

Three women were appointed to politically powerful and historically significant positions in Japan in 2016. Koike Yuriko became the first female governor of Tokyo, Renho Murata became the leader of the opposition party, the Democratic Party, and Inada Tomomi became the Minister of Defence. Despite these gains, Japanese politics can be a hostile place for women. Japan's national legislative assembly has the lowest representation of women among OECD countries, and harassment of women in politics is common. Situating Japan within the emerging ‘Violence Against Women in Politics’ (VAWP) literature, the author draws on a 2014 survey of women politicians about their experiences of sexual harassment as well as interviews with individual women politicians. Harassment is a 'hidden' problem due to ineffective legislation and a lack of awareness of what forms it takes. The author argues that the first step in combating sexual harassment of women in politics in Japan is to make it visible.

Dalton, Emma, A feminist critical discourse analysis of sexual harassment in the Japanese political and media worlds, Women's Studies International Forum, Vol. 77, 2019, pp. 1-10

This article examines sexual harassment that has occurred worlds of media and politics in Japan, in the context of the global (mostly Western) #MeToo movement. It argues that harassment by male political leaders constitutes a pattern and should not be seen simply as isolated individual incidents. This pattern occurs within a cultural context that discourages women from speaking out about individual grievances. The naming of this pattern of sexual harassment is important to address ‘Violence Against Women in Politics’ (VAWP), a problem around the world. The public and media outrage directed at individual sexist statements by male politicians often dissipates, only to emerge again after the next sexist incident makes headlines. By establishing a pattern of sexual harassment, the author aims to show that there is a systemic problem facing all women working in politics or in close proximity to politicians in Japan.

Gross, Corinna, Rebel Girls: Radical Feminism and Self-Narrative in Early 20th-Century Japan and China, The Division Languages and Literatures of Bard College, 2019, pp. 107

Compares the evolution of the role of women in the Japanese and Chinese society from the 19^th Century to today.

Hasunuma, Linda ; Shin, Ki-young, MeToo in Japan and South Korea: #WeToo, #WithYou, Journal of Women, Politics & Policy, Vol. 40, issue 1, 2019, pp. 97-111

This article compares the impact of the #MeToo movement in South Korea and Japan. In South Korea, #MeToo inspired many women to go public with their accusations in numerous high-profile cases. Those accusations in turn inspired mass demonstrations and demands for legal reform. In South Korea, the movement also led to policy proposals and the revision of laws on sexual harassment and gender-based violence. In Japan, however, the movement has grown more slowly. Fewer women made public accusations, and if they did, they tended to remain anonymous. The movement has been limited to a small number of cases leading to a professional network to support women journalists. The authors argue that the different outcomes can be explained by the strength of women’s engagement in civil society and the nature of the media coverage in each case. In both countries, however, women continue to face a powerful backlash that includes victim-blaming and social and professional sanctions for speaking up.

Kelsey, Kim, Set in Bronze: Examining the Women’s Movements and the Politics of Comfort Women Memorialization, Vol. Master of Arts in Anthropology, Los Angeles, University of California, 2018, pp. 47

After decades of silence, many surviving ‘comfort women’ – sex slaves for the Imperial Japanese Army in World War Two - have publicly come forward to demand justice through apologies and reparations. The Japanese government has continued to deny responsibility. In response, supporters of ‘comfort women’ have created public memorials throughout the world, particularly in the US. These memorials have led to Japanese diplomatic intervention and demands for their removal, sparking a battle for recognition in the public sphere. This thesis explores the ‘comfort women’ movement and the controversy surrounding the memorials, reexamining these memorials as a form of recognition, reparations and reconciliation.

The thesis can be accessed here https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5h71r542#article_main

Litz, Alex, Calling Myself a Feminist in Japan, Uprizine, 11/04/2019,

Wakako Fukuda, one of the leading voices of the SEALDs (Student Emergency Action for Liberal Democracy) activist group in Japan, speaks about her experience of being discriminated against at work, and endlessly harassed online, for her strong presence in the Japanese feminist activist community.

McCurry, Justin, Shiori Ito, symbol’s of Japan’s MeToo movement, wins rape lawsuit damages, The Guardian, 18/12/2019,

Japanese journalist Shiori Ito was awarded damages after publicly accusing Noriyuki Yamaguchi, a famous TV presenter, of rape in 2017. Her case became a symbol of Japan’s MeToo movement and of the country’s failure to investigate allegations of rape and sexual assaults. After Shiori Ito went public, the documentary ‘Japan’s Secret Shame’ was released by the BBC, covering violence towards women, and structural inequality and discrimination against women in Japan, as well as on her individual case.

Nakoaa, Yuka, Feminist scholar calls Japan's gender problem "human disaster", Kyodo News, 22/06/2019,

Finland’s Han Honours award, which recognizes individuals promoting equality around the world, was given to Professor Chizuko Ueno, a Women’s Studies scholar in January 2019 for her research and books, and also for her activism for women’s right in Japan. She has provoked debates on issues such as gender discrimination and sexual violence. This article, which notes several high profile recent incidents exposing sexism in Japan, reports Professor Ueno’s comments on sexism.

O’Mochain, Robert, Sexual Harassment: A Critical Issue for EFL in Japan, The Language Teacher, Vol. 43, issue 1, 2019, pp. 9-13

Since the end of 2017, many controversies and social media campaigns, especially the “#MeToo” movement, have kept the issue of sexual harassment in the public eye, intentionally, but its impact in Japan has been limited. This is surprising as sexual harassment is prevalent in many social spheres in Japan, including in educational institutions. This article outlines the extent of the problem and provides suggestions for classroom activities and educational initiatives to raise awareness for the transformation of currently toxic conditions.

Siripala, Thisanka, Slow to start, Japan is finally having a #MeToo moment, PRI, 30/04/2018,

Addresses the development of the #MeToo movement in Japan that captured the nation's attention in April 2018 after a top-ranking Finance Ministry official was accused by a female reporter of repeated sexual harassment. A secret recording published online revealed the bureaucrat asking the reporter, “Can I kiss you?” and “Can I hug you?” and “Can I touch your breasts?” during an interview.

Soliman, Rosemary, Women In Social Movements In Japan: A Study Of Changing Roles And Strategies In Political Participation Since The 1970s, Vol. PhD, Tokyo, Waseda University, 2018, pp. 271

This work explores the causes of women’s under-representation of women in Japanese politics, their portrayal in Japanese media and the extent of their participation in social movements.

Vittinghoff, Anna, A brief introduction to Japanese feminism, Post graduate Gender Research Network of Scotland, 11/04/2018,

Briefly outlines the history of feminism from the Meiji era (1868-1912) until the present.

F.5.b.i. General

Rape during conflict: The Wolves of War; the Nobel Peace Prize honours two campaigners against rape in war, The Economist, 13/10/2018, pp. 59-58

Reports on the Nobel Peace Prize jointly awarded to Nadia Murad, a Yazidi in Iraq who was made a sex slave by Isis and wrote a book, The Last Girl, on her experience, and Dr. Mukwege in the Democratic Republic of Congo who runs a hospital that has treated over 40,000 women and children, survivors of rape and mutilation by militias. He has survived an assassination attempt in 2012.

See also: 'Nobel winner vows to use honour in fight to protect Congolese women', Observer, 7 October 2018, pp. 28-9.

Attwood, Margaret, Am I a bad feminist?, The Globe And Mail, 15/01/2018,

Margaret Attwood’s argument that the #MeToo movement should not turn into ‘vigilante justice’ – i.e. condemnation without a trial. She voiced her opinion following the firing of an employee, Prof. Steven Galloway, from the University of British Columbia in Canada. Serious allegations were cited without further comments on their nature. The accusations were presumably related to allegations of sexual assaults, but the hearing found no evidence and Galloway was fired after signing a non-disclosure agreement. Attwood’s view met with a backlash of accusations that she used her power to silence less powerful victims.

For a follow-up by The Guardian, please visit: https://www.theguardian.com/books/2018/jan/15/margaret-atwood-feminist-backlash-metoo

Bhattacharyya, Rituparna, #Metoo Movement: An Awareness Campaign, International Journal of Innovation, Creativity and Change, Vol. 3, issue 4, 2018, pp. 1-12

In the aftermath of the series of sexual allegations faced by Harvey Weinstein, one of the most powerful faces of Hollywood, the #MeToo movement went viral in social media. This movement was initially launched in 2006 by Tarana Burke aimed at helping survivors of sexual harassment. Taking examples from different countries, this commentary attempts to analyse the #MeToo movement and answer the question of why most victims of sexual harassment chose to remain silent.

Collier, Cheryl ; Raney, Tracey, Understanding Sexism and Sexual Harassment in Politics: A Comparison of Westminster Parliaments in Australia, the United Kingdom, and Canada, Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society, Vol. 25, issue 3, 2018, pp. 432-455

The widespread problem of sexual harassment has made headlines around the world, including in political legislatures. Using public reports of sexism and sexual harassment, the authors highlight these problems in three countries: Canada, the United Kingdom, and Australia. Although sexual harassment is a global issue, the aim of this article is to show how the shared rules, practices, and norms of these Westminster-style bodies perpetuate sexist cultures that produce unequal and unsafe work conditions for female politicians. The findings highlight some of the unique challenges women face in their representational and policy-making roles.

Commissioner, UN Human Righ, Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences, 0

Access to this link connects to the annual reports and up-to –date highlights on violence against women worldwide by the UN Special Rapporteur on gender-based violence. Includes Annual Reports; country visits; relevant publications and documents; consultations with civil society; links about cooperation between global and regional initiatives; and existing legal frameworks amongst many other information.

Diehl, Sophie, Is Social Media Only For White Women? From #MeToo to #Mmiw, Master Thesis, Northern Arizona University, 2019, pp. 62

This thesis scrutinises the conversation about violence against women on social media. The main research question is: ‘Does social media reproduce colonial ideologies such as racism and sexism?’ Indigenous women experience the highest rates of sexual violence in the United States: they are twice as likely to be as all other women. Social media is praised as a tool for activists and marginalized groups to raise awareness. The thesis explores whether this applies to Indigenous women and sexual violence, or whether their voices are generally overlooked.

Fileborn, Bianca ; Loney-Howes, Rachel, #MeToo and the Politics of Social Change, Cham, Switzerland, Palgrave Macmillan, 2019, pp. 376

#MeToo has sparked a global re-emergence of debate about and opposition to sexual violence. This edited collection uses the #MeToo movement as a starting point for examining contemporary debates among those engaged in combatting sexual violence. Academics and anti-sexual violence activists across the globe provide perspectives on the broader implications of the movement. It taps into wider conversations about the nature, history, and complexities of anti-rape and anti-sexual harassment politics, noting the limitations of the movement, including in the Global South. Contributors span the disciplines of criminology, media and communications, film studies, gender and queer studies, and law.

Greene, Linda ; Inniss, Lolita Buckner ; Crawford, Bridget J. ; Baradaran, Mehrsa ; Ben-Asher, Noa ; Capers, Bennett ; James, Osamudia R. ; Lindsay, Keisha, Talking About Black Lives Matter and #MeToo, Wisconsin Journal of Law, Gender & Society, Vol. 34, issue 2, 2019, pp. 1-69

This article, which explores both differences and similarities between the two movements, begins by comparing both internal and external definitions of success within Black Lives Matter and MeToo. It also considers both movements from the standpoint of ‘intersectionality’. The authors then assess how both movements have influenced scholars, teachers, lawyers and community activists, their impacts on law and popular culture and how these external factors influence the movements. Finally they ask what the next steps should be for each movement.

Hinsliff, Gaby, The rapist is you!’: why a Chilean protest chant is being sung around the world, The Guardian, 03/02/2020,

Devised by a little-known South American feminist collective, the song ‘Un Violador en Tu Camino’ (‘A rapist in your path’) has been performed by women from Washington to Istanbul. This article sheds light on the reason why the song has become the hymn of feminist movements against sexual harassment.

Hollings, James, It Does Become Personal: Lessons From a News Organisation’s #Metoo Campaign, Journalism Practice, Vol. 14, issue 2, 2020, pp. 225-239

This paper reports on a #MeToo campaign by a mainstream news organisation. The ‘Me Too’ campaign led to a large number of disclosures adopted a survivor-led approach to minimise potential harm. It offers lessons for reporting on #MeToo issues, including the best practice for dealing with survivors, campaign management and ultimately the implications for changing editorial news values. Journalists showed greater awareness of the feelings of survivors and were able to reconcile this with traditional journalistic norms.

Hébert, Camille, Is MeToo only a social movement or a legal movement too?, Employee Rights and Employment Policy Journal, Vol. 22, issue 321, 2018, pp. 321-336

Discusses the possibility of ‘MeToo’ of becoming a legal movement which could help shape the legislation on sexual harassment.

Kantor, Jodi ; Twohey, Meg, She Said: Breaking the Sexual Harassment Story that Helped Ignite a Movement, London, Bloomsbury Circus, 2019, pp. 336

Widely reviewed and recommended account by the two journalists who wrote the New York Times article that exposed and documented Harvey Weinstein’s systematic abuse of women actors and employees over decades. The book reveals the unfolding story they uncovered, exposes in detail the mechanisms of power that silenced many women, and reveals those who resisted these pressures. The second part of the book covers the Senate hearings for Trump’s Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanagh and Blasey Ford’s accusation against him.

Mended, Kaitlynn ; Ringrosea, Jessica ; Keller, Jessalynn, #MeToo and the promise and pitfalls of challenging rape culture through digital feminist activism, European Journal of Women's Studies, Vol. 25, issue 2, 2018, pp. 236-246

Explores the preparation behind the organisation of a feminist campaign and the use and impact of hashtags in discussing experiences of sexual violence.

Mendes, Kaitlynn ; Ringrose, Jessica ; Keller, Jessalynn, # MeToo and the promise and pitfalls of challenging rape culture through digital feminist activism, European Journal of Women's Studies, Vol. 25, issue 2, 2018

A study of how digital technologies and social media are used to challenge rape culture, misogyny and harassment, conducted after the #MeToo movement’s explosion in October 2017.

Mhadavi, Pardis, How #MeToo became a global movement, Foreign Affairs, 06/03/2018,

The article covers movements in countries such as Iran, Saudi Arabia, Nigeria, Guatemala, Chile, India and Egypt that have preceded the #MeToo movement and have in some way created the conditions through which the #MeToo movement acquired international resonance.

Nadeau, Kathleen ; Rayamajhi, Sanjita, Women and Violence: Global Lives in Focus, Santa Barbara, CA, ABC-CLIO, 2020, pp. 268

The authors examine violence against women and gender-based discrimination around the world, today. They provide a global perspective on the history, causes, and complex underpinnings of gender and violence from a multidimensional and cross-disciplinary perspective. The regions covered are North America, Latin America and the Caribbean, Europe, North Africa and the Middle East, Sub-Saharan Africa, Central and East Asia, South and Southeast Asia, and Oceania. Each chapter begins with an overview of its world region, and then focuses on particular forms of violence against women in the more specific contexts of particular countries and in relation to the wider region.

Rentschier, Carrie A., #MeToo and Student Activism against Sexual Violence, Communication, Culture and Critique, Vol. 11, issue 3, 2018, pp. 503-507

Examines student organizing and media activism in universities against sexual violence, including faculty/student relationships and adequacy of institutional measures.

Shiva, Negar ; Kharazmi, Zohreh Nosrat, The Fourth Wave of Feminism and the Lack of Social Realism in Cyberspace, Journal of Cyberspace Studies, Vol. 3, issue 2, 2019, pp. 129-146

The authors link the rise of ‘the fourth wave of feminism’ to the impact of cyberspace on social movements. They argue that social media offer accessibility, a potentially wide audience, low cost and a user-friendly environment, which encourage women to publicise sexual violence, and to then tackle wider issues such as the gender pay gap. The Internet-based feminist movement is also trying to highlight intersectionality, i.e. the impact of multiple forms of institutionalized oppression based on sex, gender, race, class, etc.

Sturgess, Sara ; Burns, Kellie, Ending the Silence of Sexual Assault Victims: The #metoo Campaign on Twitter, in Yook., Bora and Zifei Fay Chen (eds.) 21st International Public Relations Research Conference, 8-10 March 2018, 2018, pp. 343-356

A grassroots movement exploded on Twitter after actress Alyssa Milano invited users who had been sexually harassed or assaulted to tweet with the hashtag #MeToo. This study examines opinion leadership within the context of social network analysis and explores how users engaged with the campaign and others on Twitter.

Taylor, Michele P. ; Tyson, Tahl ; Neeser, Renata ; Vigil, Heather, A look at the #MeToo movement’s impact in the US, Brazil and the UK, TLNT, 08/08/2018,

This article compares the positive impacts of the #MeToo movement in two different jurisdictions in the United States of America - namely California and Texas - in Brazil, and in the United Kingdom. It highlights the reforms promoting the prosecution and prevention of sexual harassment in the workplace.

Women, UN, 16 Days of Activism, 2018

A comprehensive report on the 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence Campaign held from 25 November 2018 (the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women) to 10 December 2018 (Human Rights Day) to galvanize action to end violence against women and girls around the world. The report provides links to previous years’ campaigns.

Zarkov, Dubravka ; Davis, Kathy, Ambiguities and dilemmas around #MeToo: #ForHow Long and #WhereTo?, European Journal of Women's Studies, Vol. 25, issue 1, 2018, pp. 3-9

The authors explore some concerns about #MeToo and how feminist have responded to sexual harassment and sexual violence. #MeToo started in the USA a decade ago as activism by Black women who had experienced sexual violence to ‘let other survivors know they are not alone’ and create solidarity with the victims. The #MeToo campaign claims to be doing this now, but the authors query if this is actually what is being accomplished.

F.5.b.ii. Africa

AFP, Stigma, blame means Africa women wary to say #MeToo, Arab News, 05/10/2018,

A brief overview of responses to the ‘MeToo’ movement in some countries in Africa, noting how women still face stigma and victim-blaming when they are victims of sexual harassment

Ajayi, Titilope, #MeToo, Africa and the politics of transnational activism, 06/09/2018,

Debates of the reasons why the Western #MeToo campaign didn’t spread as much in the African continent as it did in the US, UK, France, India and China. The article also briefly outlines the various campaigns that have evolved instead, such as #EndRapeCulture in South Africa; #MyDressismyChoice in Uganda and Kenya; #BeingfemaleinNigeria. Other protests includes #Nopiwouma (‘I will not shut up’) and #Doyna (‘That’s enough’) in Senegal

Chaban, Stephanie, Addressing violence against women through legislative reform in States transitioning from the Arab Spring, In Lahai, John and Khanyisela Moyo (eds.) Gender in Human Rights and Transitional Justice, Cham, Switzerland, Palgrave Macmillan,

The authors examine legal reforms relating to gender and violence against women in states emerging from the Arab Spring, such as Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia, and Yemen. They argue that, while legal reform has been uneven, women’s organizations and movements (particularly those that are feminist or feminist-oriented) are key, though not sufficient, to ensure positive legal reforms.

Libya

Amnesty International, Libya: Silenced Voices: Libyan women human rights defenders under attack, 17/07/2018,

Report by Amnesty International on recurrent gender-based violence in Libya, in particular abduction, beating, sexual violence and threats; violence against women on social media; and the discrimination suffered by women in law and practice.

Kenya

Ahmed-Ali, Fatuma, Women’s agency and violence against women: the case of the Coalition on Violence Against Women in Kenya, African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review, Vol. 7, issue 1, 2017, pp. 51-65

This case study of COVAW is used to provide in-depth analysis of how this women’s organization represents women’s agency in addressing violence against women and girls in Kenyan society. It also illustrates that women do have the capacity and ability to combat violence in their society.

Samanga, Rufaro, Kenyan students launch #CampusMeToo movement on University of Nairobi Campus, OkayAfrica, 19/11/2019,

Brief account of the emergence of #CampusMeToo movement in 2019, which aims to tackle the sexual harassment of students on Kenyan university campuses. The movement arose after ActionAid and UN Women teamed up and conducted a survey which reportedly found that 1 in 2 female students and 1 in 4 male students have been sexually harassed to some degree by staff at Kenyan universities.

Egypt

Allam, Nermin, Activism Amid Disappointment: Women’s Groups and the Politics of Hope in Egypt, Middle East Law and Governance, Vol. 10, issue 3, 2018, pp. 291-318

The author investigates two questions: How did the politics of disappointment unfold among female activists after the 2011 Egyptian uprising and specifically under the current regime? What were the effects of the strong sense of emotional disappointment on women’s activism and collective action? She argues that disappointment did not mark the end of politics and activism among women’s groups in Egypt. Although the situation is complicated and activism is restricted in Egypt, in this research participants affirm that their experience in the uprising has changed them, and that “things cannot go back to the old days.” A focus on hope and disappointment makes the experiences of activists central to the analysis. It allows researchers to reclaim the voices of female activists in explaining the challenges and opportunities that developed after the uprising, and how these developments influenced and shaped their experience, movement, and mobilization.

Bouffée, Monique, Catcalled in Cairo: Ending sexual harassment in Egypt, The New Arab, 06/12/2018,

The objectification of women pervades all aspects of Egyptian public and private life. This article illustrates the epidemic of sexual harassment that Egyptian women face and some initiatives taken to combat it.

Center, Global Legal Rese, Egypt: Sexual Violence Against Women, Washington, DC, The Law Library of Congress, 2016, pp. 22

Describes the main legislative instruments protecting women from sexual violence in Egypt, up to 2016. These are: the Egyptian Constitution of 2014 and the Criminal Code of 1937 and amendments to it. The report also discusses suggestions which have been made for improving the legal system.

Cochrane, Logan ; Zeid, Yasmien ; Sharif, Raed, Mapping Anti-Sexual Harassment and Changing Social Norms in Egypt, ACME: An International Journal for Critical Geographies, Vol. 18, issue 2, 0, pp. 394-420

According to available data, Egypt has higher than average rates of sexual harassment for the Middle East and North Africa region and many other countries in the Global South. This article explores how one organization, HarassMap, has mapped sexual harassment using crowd-sourced technology, engaged in anti-sexual harassment activities and sought to change social norms to promote an environment of zero tolerance. The authors highlight the evolving activism since 2010, and the lessons learned, within an environment influenced by restrictive political, religious and socio-cultural spheres. This article shows how anti-sexual harassment activities can occur in challenging contexts, using crowdsourcing mapping, when traditional methods are illegal or could lead to violence. The authors draw on these experiences to reflect on more effective forms of support that external actors can provide within restrictive environments.

See also Bernardi, Chiara (2018) ‘HarassMap: The Silent Revolution for Women’s Rights in Egypt’ in Maestri Elena, Annemarie Profanter (eds.) Arab Women and the Media in Changing Landscapes. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 215-227.

The author analyzes the role played by the independent organization HarassMap, run by Egyptian men and women, with the aim to “put an end to social acceptance of sexual harassment” in the country. HarassMap situates itself at the intersection of activism, digital media and semiotics. It is an interactive map that enables sexual harassment to become visible and “exposed” in a country where bystanders turn a blind eye to instances of harassment and even violence.

El-Ashmawy, Nadeen, Sexual Harassment in Egypt: Class Struggle, State Oppression, and Women’s Empowerment, Hawwa, Vol. 15, issue 3, 2017, pp. 225-256

Although sexual harassment is a worldwide phenomenon, it is noteworthy in Egypt, which recently occupied a top position on the map of sexual harassment on a world scale. In November 2013, Egypt was declared by the Thomson Reuters Foundation as the worst country for women to live in within the Arab World, when compared to twenty-two other Arab countries, largely because of its female sexual harassment rates. The United Nations Population Fund declared Egypt as ranking “second in the world after Afghanistan in terms of this issue.” In the years following the 2011 revolution, the nature of sexual harassment in Egyptian society was transformed from a hidden phenomenon to an overtly prevalent social epidemic. This study argues that the “weaponization” of sexual harassment is a common ground where class struggles, state policies, and women’s empowerment intertwine in post-revolutionary Egyptian society.

El-Rifae, Yasmin, What the Egyptian Revolution Can Offer #MeToo, Vol. The Nation, 22/01/2018,

The author highlights the peculiarities of the ‘MeToo’ movement in the United States, and the differences between North American and Egyptian society. She then describes the origin and tactics of Operation Anti-Sexual Harassment and Assault (OpAntiSH), a women-led, feminist and civilian group combatting sexual assault in Cairo

Eltantawy, Nahed, I Am Untouchable!” Egyptian Women’s War Against Sexual Harassment, In Khamis, Sahar and Mili Amel (eds) Arab Women's Activism and Socio-Political Transformation, Cham, Switzerland, Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 131-148

This chapter discusses women’s dual struggle in the context of the Arab Spring: the political struggle to secure civil rights and political rights, and the social struggle to secure gender equality. While the former can be enshrined in constitutions and enforced through the judicial branch, the latter is much harder to pin down, and even harder to enforce, because it deals with cultural mindsets and entrenched social norms. This chapter uses the example of Egypt to show how within the actual struggle for political rights, women experienced the worst forms of sexual violence, highlighting the long struggle ahead. It also stresses the efforts by Egyptian women to continue their parallel sociopolitical struggles, as evidenced in their tireless attempts to fight sexual harassment.

Eltantawy, Nahed, In Egypt, the Me Too Movement Is Falling Short, Fair Observer, 18/11/2019,

Nahed Eltantawy discusses the influence ‘MeToo’ had on the anti-sexual harassment movement in Egypt and the women-led initiatives that occurred consequently.

Kirollos, Mariam, 'The Daughters of Egypt are a Red Line, Sur, Vol. 13, issue 24, 2016, pp. 137-153

This paper identifies the impact of rampant sexual harassment on Egypt’s legal culture. As it had been vaguely defined in Egyptian laws and largely condoned by the society and justice system, sexual harassment increased over the years in both the frequency and in the intensity of its violence. As a result, legal initiatives and grassroots movements arose attempting to criminalise sexual harassment and end its social acceptability. With the fall of Mubarak, the human rights movements optimistically continued to call for an anti-sexual harassment law, but due to the continuing political turmoil, the struggle was more arduous than expected. Three years after the uprising, sexual harassment was finally criminalised and efforts to change public attitudes towards it continue, but the will of the state to enforce the law, beyond statements and promises, is yet to be proven.

Saleh, Mariam, The role of online and social media in combating sexual harassment in Egypt, Vol. Master of Arts, Cairo, American University , 2018, pp. 153

In Egypt, research shows that a large number of women have been harassed at least once in their lifetime. The Egyptian Government, international organizations and non-governmental organizations have been working for several years to combat sexual harassment. With the widespread use of online and social media in Egypt, thse have become an effective and easily accessible means of conveying combating sexual harassment. The study is based on the Social Ecological Model, and seeks to identify how online and social media could be used to combat harassment through social change, social mobilization, and advocacy. The study is based on a case study of HarassMap – an Egyptian NGO working on combating sexual harassment through online and social media. Findings of the study show that online and social media could be used following a social change and social mobilization approach to: (1) encourage sexual harassment survivors to respond to harassment through changing beliefs, increasing self-efficacy, and changing behavior through social prompting; (2) encourage bystander intervention through changing beliefs, increasing bystander-efficacy, and changing behavior through social prompting; (3) change society’s attitudes and beliefs when assigning responsibility and attribution of sexual harassment and increase the society’s collective-efficacy to fight acceptability of harassment; (4) argue for organizational change to have sexual harassment-free workplaces/educational institutions through targeting the organization and its surrounding environment; and (5) campaign for more stringent sexual harassment law/law enforcement.

Zakarriya, Jihan, Public Feminism, Female Shame, and Sexual Violence in Modern Egypt, Journal of International Women's Studies, Vol. 20, issue 7, 2019, pp. 113-128

This paper connects aspects of public sexual violence against women generally, and politicized sexual violence in 21st-century Egypt in particular, arguing that successive political regimes in Egypt have produced and maintained a spatial culture of humiliation and subordination as a political tool to silence and oppress women and prevent opposition. This paper assesses the successes and failures of public feminism in Egypt in addressing this culture of female humiliation and isolation in public spaces, with a particular focus on fighting politicized forms of sexual violence directed against women since 2011. It also argues that sexual violence against women, and the repression of public feminism in Egypt, are parts of the failure of the processes of democratic transition.

Morocco

Morocco: new violence against women law, 26/02/2018,

Notes a new Moroccan law - Law 103.13 on the elimination of violence against women - that criminalises violence against women. The law was approved by Parliament on 14^th February 2018 and entered into force in September 2018 and punishes various types of violence committed both in the private and public spheres, including rape, sexual harassment and domestic abuse. However, it was criticized for not outlawing marital rape or spousal violence, and failing to provide a precise definition of domestic violence.

Brémon, Anaïs ; Baqué, Irene ; Hakimm, Sabrina ; Spera, Claudine ; Ford, Liz, I will not keep silent: Khadija rape case spurs women into action in Morocco - video, The Guardian, 26/11/2018,

After the kidnapping and gang rape of a 17-yearl old young woman called Khadija by 12 men, public outrage in Morocco led women and men to organize a campaign combating violence against women. ‘#Masaktach’ (She was not silent) first took to the streets of Casablanca, Morocco’s largest city, with early members carrying whistles, which they handed out to women as a defense against sexual harassment. Khadija was held for two months, during which time she was starved, drugged, beaten, gang-raped, tortured, tattooed with swastikas, and burned with cigarettes.

Chafai, Habiba, Contextualising street sexual harassment in Morocco: a discriminatory sociocultural representation of women, The Journal of North African Studies, Vol. 22, issue 5, 2017, pp. 821-840

This study seeks to reveal the relationship between the stereotypical images of Moroccan girls and women and the violence that is often committed against them. It suggests that women’s location in the power structures of the family, school, media and the law, as well as their unequal access to the economic and political spheres, all contribute to fostering violent attitudes and practices against women in the public arena. The evolution of the status of women requires changes in their freedom-of-movement, security and emancipation. Future research should address women’s discourse and experiences of street harassment as well as its social meaning, prevalence, severity and impact.

ICJ, Obstacles To Women’s And Girls’ Access To Justice for Gender-Based Violence In Morocco, Geneva, International commission of Jurists , 2019, pp. 53

The ICJ’s report explores the various obstacles that women seeking justice in Morocco face, and addresses recommendations to the Moroccan government and judiciary with a view to improving access to justice and effective remedies for women and girls who are victims of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV).

Nigeria

Nigeria: Submission to the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, 67th Session, 3-21 July 2017, New York, Amnesty International , 2017

Amnesty International report on legislative measures taken by Nigeria to ensure the protection of the rights of women and girls. It also highlights gender-based violence resulting from displacements and armed conflict; and forced evictions which led to the disproportionate loss of livelihoods for women, and to gender based violence. Finally, Amnesty reports the use of rape and other forms of sexual violence by the police.

Special: ‘Nigeria – The Boko Haram girls’, The New York Times, 11/04/2018,

Following the kidnapping of more than 200 girls in April 2014 by the Muslim extremist group Boko Haram, the campaign #BringBackOurGirls started and was supported worldwide. In this New York Times’ special more than a hundred girls who have been released four years later are photographed and some of their stories are narrated.

https://www.telegraph.co.uk/global-health/women-and-girls/meet-metoo-activists-one-worlds-hostile-environments/; https://www.vice.com/en_us/article/vbpxn9/boko-haram-has-kidnapped-another-110-teenage-girls and https://www.newstatesman.com/politics/2014/07/john-simpson-can-anyone-bring-back-nigeria-s-lost-girls

In 2018, the documentary ‘Stolen Daughters: Kidnapped by Boko Haram was released. To purchase the documentary, visit HBO official website https://www.hbo.com/documentaries/stolen-daughters-kidnapped-by-boko-haram

See the official website of #BRingBackOurGirls campaign here https://bringbackourgirls.ng/

Nigerian women protest against Abuja police raid and rape, African Feminism, 15/05/2019,

Narrates the background of the #AbujaPoliceraidOnWomen campaign, in response to the violent arrest of 70 women in two clubs on the accusation of prostitution. The police allegedly raped those women who couldn’t afford the bail.

See also the interview on this campaign with Oluwaseun Ayodeji Osowobi, founder of the Stand To End Rape (STER) initiative http://africanfeminism.com/police-brutality-against-nigerian-women-an-interview-with-oluwaseun-ayodeji-osowobi/ and http://africanfeminism.com/protests-arent-tea-parties-dont-expect-women-to-be-civil/

Nigerian women protest against Abuja police raid and rape, African Feminism, 15/05/2019,

Adeoye, Aanu, The young women leading Nigeria’s #MeToo revolution, Vice, 17/07/2019,

Describes the ‘Stand To End Rape Initiative’ and the #ArewaMeToo campaign in Nigeria (‘Arewa’ means ‘northern’) to combat the widespread sexual harassment of young women in the country. Provides background on the difficulty of achieving accountability, due to the very conservative culture.

Habila, Helon, The Chibok Girls. The Boko Haram Kidnappings And Islamist Militancy In Nigeria, New York , Columbia Global Reports, 2016

Nigerian novelist Helon Habila tells the stories of the girls who have been kidnapped by Boko Harama in the northern part of Nigeria and the impact on their families. Having a deep understanding of the historical context, the author also illuminates the long history of colonialism, and the influence of cultural and religious dynamics that gave rise to conflicts in this region.

Iyorah, Festus, How young Nigerians are challenging sexual assault in the Church, Sojourners, 09/09/2019,

Report on the origin of the #ChurchToo movement in Nigeria to shed light on and challenge sexual assaults perpetrate by the clergy.

YouTube, Documentary, Sex For grades, BBC Africa Eye, 2019

Exposes the widespread abuse of young women by lecturers and professors in Universities in Nigeria (as well as Ghana).

You can read the support statement by African Feminist Initiative here http://africanfeminism.com/sex-for-grades-solidarity-statement-by-african-feminist-initiative/, retrieve the different episodes on BBC’s website https://www.bbc.co.uk/search?q=sex+for+grades and read an interview with Kiki Mordi, the journalists behind the BBC documentary here https://www.okayafrica.com/interview-with-kiki-mordi-nigerian-journalist-behind-sex-for-grades/

South Africa

Thousands protest in South Africa over rising violence against women, The Guardian, 05/09/2019,

In response to the rising murder and rape of women in South Africa (41,000 rapes and 2,700 murders between March 2018 and March 2019), and the rape and killing of university student Uyinene Mrwetyana by a Cape Town post office employee, women all over the country responded by blocking the entrance to the World Economic Forum in Cape Town, launching the #AmINext movement and the #SandtonShutdown (or #TheTotalShutDown) protest. They rallied outside Johnnesburg Stock Exchange on 13 September 2019, forcing South African President, Cyril Ramaphosa to cancel a trip to the UN world leaders’ gathering.

Gouws, Amanda, #EndRapeCulture campaign in South Africa: Resisting sexual violence through protest and the politics of experience, South African Journal of Political Studies, Vol. 45, issue 1, 2018, pp. 3-15

This article analyses the #EndRapeCulture campaign in South Africa, where women students took to the streets in 2016 to protest against the pervasive normalisation of sexual violence on university campuses. Some participated topless and brandished sjamboks (whips) to show their resentment and anger at the prevailing sexual violence. The article looks at the role of digital media in circulating slogans around the campaign and asks the question whether these protests can be compared with SlutWalks or FEMEN.

Mitchell, Claudia ; de Lange, Naydene ; Moletsane, Relebohile, Addressing Sexual Violence in South Africa: ‘Gender activism in the making’, In Oinas; Onodera; Suurpää, What politics? Youth And Political Engagement In South Africa (F.5.ii.2. Overviews of Regional and National Movements), Leiden and Boston, Brill, pp. 317-336

The authors show how university students were able to challenge sexual violence in South Africa in practical and locally relevant ways. They used formal methods of influencing policy, but prioritised the young women’s own views and voices, in ways that they felt empowering. What remains to be further explored, by both researchers and organizations, is how to act as a good ally and supportive collaborator to these kinds of semi-autonomous youth groups navigating formal power.

Mogoatlhe, Lerato ; Letsoalo, Itumeleng, #SandtonShutdown: Hundreds of protesters march in Johannesburg to end gender-based violence, Global Citizen, 13/09/2019,

Although President Cyril Ramaphosa signed the Gender-Based Violence Declaration in April 2019, promising that the government would strengthen its fight against gender-based violence (GBV), which he called a national crisis, activists say that little has been done to tackle the issue. This article includes the requests advanced by the movement, links to other national campaigns and data regarding gender-based violence since 2016.

See the report on Gender-Based Violence Declaration here https://www.globalcitizen.org/en/content/gender-based-violence-declaration-south-africa/

F.5.b.v. Australia and New Zealand

Australia launches national inquiry into sexual harassment, BBC, 20/06/2018,

Discusses Australia’s decision to hold a national inquiry into workplace sexual harassment as part of the government’s response to the ‘Me Too’ movement.

#MeToo has changed the media landscape, but in Australia there is still much to be done, The Conversation, 07/03/2019,

Report on the Australia response to the emergence of the #MeToo movement.

Rahmanipour, Setayesh ; Kumar, Shannon ; Simon-Kumar, Rachel, Underreporting sexual violence among ‘ethnic’ migrant women: perspectives from Aotearoa/New Zealand, Culture, Health & Sexuality, Vol. 21, issue 2, 2019, pp. 837-852

Sexual violence within minority ethnic communities is endemic in Aotearoa/New Zealand, but grossly underreported. This paper presents the results of two small-scale qualitative studies that explored why. In-depth interviews were undertaken with academics, specialist sexual violence practitioners and community/social workers. Two main factors that led to underreporting were first, internalised barriers as a result of a ‘white’ and ‘male’ gaze; and second, the cultural relativism of meanings of violence. The authors discovered that issues of stigma, defensiveness about traditional norms, especially concerning gender roles and the referencing of minority group identity were deterrents to disclosure and reporting. The paper also explored the implications of underreporting for women seeking help and for the collection of robust evidence of sexual violence among minority ethnic women. The paper concludes with recommendations for improved strategic efforts to encourage safe disclosure among women in minority ethnic communities who experience sexual violence.

Showden, Carisa, Sexual harassment and assault on campus: What can Aotearoa New Zealand learn from Australia’s ‘Respect. Now. Always.’ Initiative, Women’s Studies Journal, Vol. 32, issue 1/2, 2018, pp. 73-80

The University of Auckland hosted a panel in September 2018 on preventing and responding to sexual assault and harassment on university campuses. The panel was organised by the Australian and New Zealand Student Services Association (ANZSSA), and included speakers from the University of Sydney and Universities Australia. Australian universities had launched a coordinated effort to address campus sexual assault and harassment in February 2016, and this panel served as a space for sharing their experiences and for Auckland staff and students to learn from them.

F.5.b.vi. Europe

Defendants in Manresa gang-rape case escape sexual assault convictions, El Pais, 31/10/2019,

Reports that five out of six men involved in a gang rape of a 14-year old girl were convicted of sexual abuse of a minor, rather than the more serious crime of sexual assault; the girl was for part of the time in an 'unconscious state'. The report also provides an update on the Pamplona case, noting the the Spanish Supreme Court ruled the men were guilty of rape and raised their prison sentences to 15 years. El Pais records in addition that the commission created after the Pamplona case to revise the legal definition of sexual violence has reported, and recommended eliminating the lesser charge of sexual abuse; but the Socialist Party government has not yet acted.

Alami, Aida, The Impact of #MeToo in France: An Interview with Lenaig Bredoux, New York Review of Books (NYR Daily, 13/03/2019,

Bredoux is a journalist who has specialised in covering charges of sexual harassment and assault by prominent personalities since 2011, when she was shocked by the prevailing French media response to rape charges made in New York against Dominique Strauss Kahn, due to become head of the IMF. Bredoux also had to appear in court in February 2019 with six women who had accused the deputy speaker of the National Assembly of harassment, when he filed a defamation lawsuit against them. She assesses positively the impact of MeToo in France (despite evidence of opposition to it, including by women), arguing that 'the balance of power has changed' and that media coverage was more sympathetic to women making accusations.

Andersson, Miranda, #MeToo: A Case Of #sistabriefen, Department of Informatics and Media, Vol. Master, Uppsala University, 2018, pp. 118

Arising out of the #MeToo movement in Sweden, #sistabriefen was created to represent women, non-binaries and trans-persons working within the communications industry. This study analyses the dynamics and identities of the #sistabriefen group members on their private social media platform through 23 interviews, and a qualitative content analysis over the course of five months. This research assesses how members are motivated to participate in the #sistabriefen group, how they identify themselves within the group, and how the nature of the group affects members’ involvement. The findings indicated that digital social movements have the potential to promote social change.

Arriaza, Karen ; Regina, Berumen, #MeToo in Spain and France: Stopping the abuse towards ordinary women, Interactions: Studies in Communication & Culture, Vol. 10, issue 3, 2019, pp. 169-184

In Spain and France, a lot of attention was initially given to Alyssa Milano’s #Me Too initiative in October 2017 and Oprah Winfrey’s #Time’s Up claim in January 2018. The authors argue that in Spain and France #MeToo was focused as a way for ordinary women to denounce the sexual abuse and harassment they had been suffering, sometimes for decades, in the past, and the role of well-known actors or powerful personalities was almost non-existent. But the #MeToo movement did play a significant role in supporting women, individually or collectively, to oppose sexual abuse and harassment.

Beatley, Meaghan, How #Me Too changed this year's Running of the Bulls, PRI Global Post, 19/06/2018,

When the five men involved in the 2017 gang rape were released from prison in June 2018, weeks before the Pamplona festival, feminists around Spain protested and called for revision of the legal definition of rape, which required 'violence or intimidation', terms that allowed many rapists to escape conviction. The new Minister for Equality, Carmen Calvo, promised to redefine rape in terms of consent. Many feminists planned to demonstrate in relation to the Pamplona festival, either by a boycott or by dressing in black during the festival (challenging the traditional wearing of white). But they called off this plan in response to pleas from women in Pamplona, who had long campaigned to take part in the ceremonial supporting events and eventually won that right 15 years earlier.

Beatley, Meaghan, The shocking rape trial that galvanised Spain's feminists - and the far right, The Guardian, 23/04/2019,

This 'long read' article provides a detailed account of the notorious rape of an 18-year-old woman at the Pamplona bull run festival in 2016 and the five man 'wolf pack' responsible. It assesses the impact of the trial, which in April 2018 found the men guilty of 'sexual abuse', instead of rape, because the woman had not been violently coerced. The rape and the verdict sparked widespread anger among women, who demonstrated across the country, and journalist Cristina Fallaras tweeted about her own experiences of sexual violence and launched the hashtag #Cuentalo (tell your story). The five men were released from jail in June 2018 on bail whilst appealing their prison sentences. Beatley describes the impact on the feminist movement - police estimated 350,000 demonstrated in Madrid and 200,000 in Barcelona and many thousands in other cities and towns on International Women's Day 2019. But the case has also mobilised the far right party Vox to attack feminists and to claim that the danger of violence against women comes from non-European immigrants.

Bergehed, Katarina, How activists got Sweden to recognise that sex without consent is rape, Amnesty International, 23/05/2018,

Following the acquittal of three men who were accused of raping a 15 year-old girl, the activist movement, FATTA, and the other related demonstrations inspired by ‘MeToo’, led Sweden to the historic declaration, following Iceland, that sex without voluntary participation is illegal.

Besson-Vigo, Sarah, #MeToo in Europe, One Year Later, Courier d'Europe, 17/11/2018,

(Translated by Steffi Buchier)

Summary report by Sorbonne student newspaper on versions of MeToo hashtag and the responses in France, Sweden, Spain and UK. It then notes the political repercussions of the movement in France (positive response by President Macron), Sweden (new law on consent) and Spain (where new socialist government was discussing modification of law on consent). The author also touches on reasons why the Balkans and Eastern Europe and (more surprisingly) Germany have been less responsive to MeToo, and notes how typical social reactions in different countries may influence the reliability of comparative statistical surveys of harassment.

Boulila, S. C. ; Carri, C., On Cologne: Gender, migration and unacknowledged racisms in Germany, European Journal of Women's Studies, Vol. 24, issue 3, 2017, pp. 286-293

The authors observe that Germany in 2017 finally ratified the 2011 Istanbul Convention on preventing and combating violence against women, and also amended the law on rape to emphasise consent, not the physical violence of the rapist. But these changes were not due to decades of feminist pressure, but to the highly publicised harassment of women in Cologne on New Year's Eve 2015 by immigrants. This led to sensational media coverage invoking anti-Muslim fears, and pressure from the far right AFD party (Alternative for Germany) and extremist Pegida movement. Cologne encouraged demands for quicker deportations and restrictions on refugee numbers across the political spectrum, and there was a rise of up to three a week in arson attacks on refugee centres. The article notes the response of anti-racist feminists, for example in the internet initiative #ausnahmlos (without exception), challenging the racialisation of sexual harassment and the racial undertones of public debate. But they were in turn attacked for fuelling right wing extremism, and were compared to Holocaust deniers.

See also: 'A Feminist View of Cologne: The current outrage is very hypocritical', Der Spiegel Online, 21 January 2016. https://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/german-feminists-debate-cologne-attacks-a-1072806.html

Debate between two leading feminists (Alice Schwarzer and Anne Wizorek) from different generations of feminists responding to Cologne. They disagree about the urgency of addressing sexism within some immigrant communities, as opposed to stressing the persistence of patriarchal attitudes throughout German society. Both seem to agree that groping and sexual harassment should become a criminal offence, a cause which Wizorek had promoted since 2013.

Brancolini, Janna, #MeToo in Italy's Mafia Culture, International Policy Digest, 16/05/2018,

Assessment of why Italian media have hounded individual women who went public about sexual assault, and why the Italian MeToo hashtag, #quellavoltache, only attracted a few hundred mentions on social media. The author cites conclusion of a panel of journalists that a major reason is the mafia culture of silence and protecting one's own. The emphasis on personal ties (clientalism) in the workplace, and the ethos of cronyism encouraged under former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi (1990s-2000s) are also cited as reasons for Italy's misogyny.

Fallert, Nicole, Inside the fight to make the European Parliament take sexual harassment seriously, Vox, 22/03/2019,

Outlines how the MeToo movement in 2017 prompted Jeanne Ponte, a French parliamentary assistant who had been keeping a record of workplace sexual harassment inside the EU parliament since 2014, to create the MeTooEP blog. Soon after the story of her recording of social harassment broke, MEPs at Strasbourg passed a resolution against sexual harassment. Over 1,000 people then signed a petition demanding enforcement of it.

Fawcett Society Briefing, #MeToo One Year On - What's Changed?, 02/10/2018,

Respected and long established British feminist organisation publishes research on impact of MeToo in UK, covering the 'powerful, disruptive impact' of the movement. It analyses harassment by gender and age, provides data on the public's willingness to challenge harassment, and makes recommendations on how to change the law.

Fazackerley, Anna, #MeToo on campus: UK universities investigate sexual assaults themselves, The Guardian, 31/07/2018,

Reports that universities (both student unions and the authorities) are becoming more active in trying to prevent, and taking action against, forms of harassment. But a survey published in March 2018 found 70% of female students had suffered harassment or assault and only 6% had reported it to the university. Harassment is a problem both between students and between some staff members and students.

See also: Suen, Evianne, '#MeToo movement reaches an all-time high across UK universities', 23 August 2018 https://theboar.org/2018/08/metoo-movement-sexual-uk-universities/

Ighe, Ann ; Papp, Réka Kinga ; Potter, Claire ; Drakulić, Slavenka, Where to for #MeToo?, Eurozine, 26/01/2018,

An account of the possible development of the #MeToo movement from four different perspectives. It analyses the need to explore the nature and consequences of power as a primordial factor influencing response to sexual harassment; the work-based campaigns in Sweden; the development of the #MeToo movement in Hungary; and the varying nature of the movement in different parts of Europe with particular emphasis on the distinction between West and East.

Kem, Vera, What do Europeans consider sexual harassment?, DW, 12/11/2017,

Kem discusses a survey showing how attitudes to social harassment vary across Europe, and also how EU countries have different laws and punishments for harassment. Notes that although the Council of Europe Istanbul Convention of 2011 prohibiting violence against women has been ratified by many West European states (though not by Germany until 2017), legal provisions, and in particular reporting rates, vary between countries. France provides for a fine of up to 30,000 euros and two years in prison, or in the case of harassment by a work superior up to three years in prison.

Kirshbaum, Erik, Germany had seemed immune to the #MeToo movement. Then a prominent director was accused, Los Angeles Times, 30/01/2018,

Discusses why MeToo was not taken up in Germany as it spread from the US to parts of Europe, until an actress went public in 2018 about a violent attempted rape by prominent film director Dieter Wedel in 1980. Her accusation led other women to follow suit, and Die Zeit revealed that the TV network Wedel worked for had buried evidence of his sexual misconduct. The article quotes a woman university professor on two main reasons for German reluctance to take up MeToo: 1) that despite Angela Merkel's long period as Chancellor women are not well represented in politics, or in top management; 2) German skepticism about cultural trends emanating from the USA.

Martin, Rachel, #MeToo was a Rallying Cry at Women's Marches in Italy, Ms., 30/01/2018,

The US feminist magazine reports that #quellavoltache (MeToo) was a central theme of annual Women's Marches and rallies in Rome, Milan and Florence. The Rome rally of hundreds of women was addressed by Asia Argento, who commented on the media abuse she had received after speaking out about being assaulted by Harvey Weinstein. Representatives from the International Women's House and the Network of Women Against Violence, as well as a refugee woman activist, also spoke.

Morán-Breña, Carmen, Spanish #MeToo movement demands justice for victims of sexual abuse, El Pais, 30/01/2018,

The anti-sexual harassment group Pandora's Box, composed of 3,000 women involved in the arts, called for institutional protection against harassment and demanded allegations should not be ignored. The appeal was part of a campaign to support the dancer Carmen Tome, who had accused a curator at a cultural centre in Alicante of groping her. The group was still organising itself and considering both educational and legal means of preventing gender violence.

Poirier, Agnes, After the #MeToo backlash, an insider's guide to French feminism, The Guardian, 14/01/2018,

Poirier reflects on the open letter published in Le Monde, which was signed by 100 French women, including the film star Catherine de Neuve, and became news around the world. The letter suggested the Hollywood campaign was intolerant and promoted censorship, and that MeToo reflected a puritanical strain in feminism, and led to intolerance of those not politically correct. It asserted that 'rape is a crime, but trying to seduce someone, even persistently or cackhandedly, is not'. The letter provoked anger among feminists, with many younger French feminists accusing the signatories of being over-privileged and not caring about victims of rape and harassment. Poirier argues that, although the letter included clumsy and provocative wording, it did represent an important strand in French feminism, inspired by Simone de Beauvoir, which is still the mainstream position. It is opposed to a younger American-inspired movement, which is seen by more traditional French feminists as extremist, and leading to censorship of the arts. Poirier also points out that although the Le Monde letter is usually identified with Catherine de Neuve, its initiator was Abnousse Shalmani, a 41 year old Iranian refugee from Ayatollah Khomeini's regime, who had herself experienced rape, and who had found in French culture the inspiration to become free 'as a woman and a sexual being'. Shalmani said on French radio after the letter's publication that the signatories did not dismiss those who had the courage to speak out against Weinstein, or their struggle, but wished to 'add our voice' to the debate.

Srebotjnak, Hana, #MeToo in the East? Women's rights in South-Eastern and Eastern Europe, OpenDemocracy, 08/05/2019,

The article discusses the high levels of harassment endured by women in South-East and Eastern Europe, revealed in a 2019 OSCE survey, and the difficulty of speaking out. It gives the example Marija Lukic, who accused the former president of a municipality in Serbia and was insulted by 50 of his supporters when she went to court. The author also comments very briefly on short but ultimately unsuccessful social media MeToo campaigns in Poland and Romania and suggests that in Hungary the response has been confined to 'liberal and cultural circles'. She records that the Council of Europe's 2011 Istanbul Convention on preventing violence against women was ratified by Serbia in November 2017 and Croatia in 2018, but has not been ratified by the Czech Republic, Hungary, Bulgaria, Slovakia, Moldova, Ukraine or Russia.

F.5.b.vii. Middle East

#MeToo in the Middle East, Socialist Worker, 22/02/2019,

A comprehensive exploration of the development of feminist movements in the Middle East, despite the wars led by authoritarian states, western imperialistic powers, and reactionary fundamentalist forces.

Al-Tamini, Jumana, #MeToo offers lessons for Arabs too, Gulf News, 27/03/2018,

This article describes the difficulty of talking about sexual harassment in conservative Arab societies, which have made the ‘MeToo’ movement in the Arab world less significant than in the West. However, it also points to the fact that the activism of Arab women is becoming less of a taboo and mentions the legislative reforms that took place in countries such as Morocco, Jordan, and Lebanon.

For another thorough analysis of the cultural impediments to openly discuss sexual violence and sexual harassment within Arab societies, see also http://english.alarabiya.net/en/views/news/middle-east/2017/10/22/Why-aren-t-more-Arab-women-saying-MeToo-.html and https://www.albawaba.com/loop/harvey-weinstein-scandal-and-metoo-hit-nerve-arab-women-1035238.

AP, Palestinian-American brings #MeToo campaign to West Bank, Arab News, 03/02/2018,

This article describes the initiative a young Palestinian-American took to confront patriarchy and sexism in the West Bank and the lack of protection for women, despite legal reforms formally taking place in its territories. Yasmeen Mjalli is the inventor of T-shirts, hoodies and jackets with the slogan ‘I Am Not Your Habibti (darling)’, an expression typically used for catcalling women and young girls. Sexual harassment is a taboo subject in Palestine, which is still dominated by a culture of victim blaming, like many other parts of the Arab World. It is moreover not considered a priority amongst Palestinians in comparison to the fight against Israeli occupation. The article also briefly cites minor reforms that occurred in Egypt, the Gulf Arab Region and Saudi Arabia.

Avraham, Rachel, Middle East needs its own ‘MeToo’ movement for minority women, The Hill, 27/05/2018,

A brief overview of how the MeToo movement started to get support in Israel as a consequence of the release of the song ‘Toy’ by Israeli singer Netta Barzilai and her victory at the Eurovision Song Contest in Lisbon. The song points to issues around feminism and diversity, and has a strong emphasis on the harassment suffered by women. This article also addresses the lack of attention to the plight that Hindu and Christian women and girls in Pakistan suffer, the fact that they are compelled to convert to Islam and then subsequently forced to marry their captors.

Bigio, Jamil ; Vogelstein, Rachel, Yemen peace efforts miss a critical factor, Reuters, 18/12/2018,

Commentary on the role that women can play in the peace talks within the context of the Yemeni conflict that erupted in 2015. It highlights the situation of women in politics prior to and after the eruption of the conflict. It also provides data elucidating gender-based violence in the country and names of coalitions established by women to tackle it.

Gharib, Malak, #MosqueMeToo gives Muslim women a voice about sexual misconduct at Mecca, NPR, 26/02/2018,

Malak Gharib reports the story of Egyptian-American activist and journalist, Mona Eltahawy, who was sexually assaulted during a pilgrimage at Mecca in 1982 when she was 15. Eltahawy initiated the hashtag #MosqueMeToo after other Arab women shared similar stories on social media. (For further reading, see also https://stepfeed.com/women-are-speaking-out-about-being-sexually-harassed-during-hajj-8156#.WnjdMR8gzo0.twitter)

Ghazal, Rym T., The struggle with the stigma associated with rape, Arab News, 01/01/2019,

In this comprehensive article, Rym Tina Ghazal sheds light on the difficult condition women living in the MENA region face if they fall victim to rape. She highlights the pervasive culture of blame that prevent women from reporting episodes of abuse, and the still predominant practice of ‘honour killing’ that women risk for being sexually assaulted. She also publicises the weeks-long campaign #ShameOnWho led by the Lebanese women’s rights group ABAAD in 2018, aimed at addressing the social stigma that women suffer in the aftermath of sexual violence.

For more on #ShameOnWho, please see https://www.reuters.com/article/us-lebanon-rape-rights/shameonwho-campaign-uses-art-to-change-lebanese-attitudes-to-rape-idUSKCN1NC2GK

F.5.b.iii. The Americas

F.5.b.iii.1. Canada

Section under construction

Bruckert, Chris ; Law, Tuullia, Women and Gendered Violence in Canada: An Intersectional Approach, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2018, pp. 416

This book draws on a range of theoretical traditions emerging from feminism, criminology, and sociology, to challenge the narrow idea that domestic violence and sexual assault are phenomena of interpersonal violence perpetrated by men. The authors highlight the diversity of women’s experience, discuss the role social structures play, and include discussions of workplace and state violence. The first section develops the conceptual and contextual framework, and the following three sections focus on types of victimization: interpersonal, in the workplace, and by the state. Accounts of individual experiences are used throughout to personalize the issues discussed.

Finley, Sara-Jane ; Avola, Ryan ; MacFarlane, Fiona ; MacFarlane, Fiona ; Berdahl, Jennifer, Beyond #MeToo and #IWill: Changing Workplace Culture, Video, The University of British Columbia, 2017

Webcast sponsored by the Iving K. Barber Learning Centre and hosted by alumni UBC with Equity and Inclusion. #MeToo. #IWill. Awareness is important, but how do we move beyond hashtags and words to making real change for women in the workplace? New accusations of harassment keep coming to the fore – from Hollywood to Wall Street to Commercial Drive. In response, thousands of women have posted “#MeToo” on social media. Men have since responded with #IWill, signaling their individual commitment to take action in order to prevent harassment in their midst. But what next? How do we go beyond awareness to actual – and more permanent – change? This video includes a panel discussion that examines this issue and explore options for moving forward.

Hastie, Bethany, Workplace Sexual Harassment: Assessing the Effectiveness of Human Rights Law in Canada, Report, Vancouver, University of British Columbia, 2019, pp. 66

This report analyzes substantive decisions on workplace sexual harassment at each of the BC and Ontario Human Rights Tribunals from 2000-2018, to ascertain how the law of sexual harassment is understood, interpreted and applied by the Tribunals’ adjudicators. In particular, the report examines whether, and to what extent, gender-based stereotypes and myths, known to occur in criminal justice proceedings, arise in the human rights context. It also examines substantive decisions on sexual harassment in the workplace from 2000-2018.

Jones, Emma, Why sexual assault survivors can’t say #MeToo at some Canadian universities, The Discourse, 12/04/2018,

Exposes the widespread phenomenon of Canadian universities censoring students who want to denounce episodes of sexual harassment. The article includes the report by OurTurn – a national, student-led action plan that aims to implement strategies to end sexual violence on campus, and sets out the policies survivors have to follow while filing a complaint. The National Our Turn Action Plan provides guidelines for student unions and groups to: prevent sexual violence and eliminate rape culture on Canadian campuses; support survivors and create a culture of survivor-centrism at Canadian institutions; and campaign for policy and legislative reforms at the campus, provincial and national levels.

Mengesha, Weyni ; Dreyer-Lude, Melanie ; Clarke, Kristian ; Shaw, Kathryn ; Warwick, Jacqueline ; Palmer, Alisa ; Dubois, Frédéric, Institutional Responses to #MeToo: A Conversation, Canadian Theatre Review, Vol. 180, 2019

Theatre administrators, artistic directors, and heads of programmes from across Canada discuss about how institutional policies and cultures have shifted in the wake of #MeToo. The participants reflect on the challenges of assessing the impacts and effects of a cultural movement that is still unfolding and how #MeToo has changed the relationship between training institutions and the performing arts industry.

Moeke-Pickering, Taima ; Cote-Meek, Sheila ; Pegoraro, Ann, Understanding the ways missing and murdered Indigenous women are framed and handled by social media users, Media International Australia, Vol. 169, issue 1, 2018, pp. 54-64

Hashtags such as #timesup and #metoo illustrate the growing international concerns about the sexual violation of women. The media plays a large role in promoting negative racial and gender ideologies about Indigenous women. In Canada, where there is a national crisis of missing and murdered Indigenous women (MMIW), researchers have collected data from social media and identified how degrading texts about Indigenous women perpetuate a racialized violent discourse. Many Indigenous peoples, including Indigenous youth, have smart phones and/or other ways to access social media, so they too are exposed to the discourse that subjugates, vilifies and dehumanizes Indigenous women, many of whom are family or community members. The authors’ research investigates the messages shared through the hashtag ‘#MMIW’ and identifies a reframing by hashtag users. The results indicate how social media play a role in perpetuating stereotypes about Indigenous peoples, but also how they can be used to combat those messages.

Nixon, Lindsay, #MeToo and the Secrets Indigenous Women Keep, The Walrus, 05/12/2018,

Discusses the linkage between toxic masculinity, patriarchy and the commodification of Indigenous women in Canada.

Puddister, Kate ; MacNabb, Danielle, #MeToo: In Canada, rape myths continue to prevent justice for sexual assault survivors, The Conversation, 05/03/2019,

Criticises the law that entered into force at the end of 2018 – Bill C-51 – that is intended to counter-act under-reporting and “ensure that victims of sexual assault and gender-based violence are treated with the utmost compassion and respect.” However, the authors argue, there is nothing in the law to protect against judicial misapplication or inappropriate methods of defence in court.

Quinlan, Elizabeth, Sexual Violence at Canadian Universities: Activism, Institutional Responses & Strategies for Change, Waterloo, Ontario, Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2017, pp. 360

This book addresses a major problem of rape and rape culture on campus, revealed by media coverage of ‘rape chants’ at Saint Mary’s University, misogynistic Facebook posts from Dalhousie University’s dental school, and high-profile incidents of sexual violence at other Canadian universities. University administrations were called to account for their cover-ups and misguided responses. Quinlan explores the causes and consequences of sexual violence on campus as well as strategies for its elimination, drawing together original case studies, empirical research, and theoretical writings by scholars and community and campus activists. Topics covered are the costs of campus sexual violence on students and university communities, the efficacy of existing university sexual assault policies and institutional responses, and historical and contemporary forms of activism associated with campus sexual violence.

Raney, Tracey ; Collier, Cheryl N. ; Lore, Grace ; Spender, Andrea, Democracy During #Metoo: Taking Stock Of Violence Against Women In Canadian Politics. A Comprehensive Scope Report Prepared For Equal Voice, Report, Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, 2019, pp. 45

One hundred years after some Canadian women were given the federal franchise, women remain significantly underrepresented in every legislature across Canada. Indigenous women, women from racial minorities, and young women face particular problems, which reduce representation even further. While barriers to participation are broad and pervasive, sexual harassment and violence against women in politics - whether in the form of direct threats, implied threats, violent symbolic images, and physical violence - play a significant role in limiting women’s political participation. This report presents non-partisan, evidence-based research on how governments, legislatures, civil society, and non-governmental organizations have addressed the problem of violence against women in politics both within and beyond Canada. The report draws on extensive Canadian and global research and also a number of interviews with current and former women politicians from across the political spectrum, who have bravely spoken out about their experiences of sexual harassment and violence in Canadian politics.

Rentschler, Carrie, #MeToo and Student Activism against Sexual Violence Communication, Culture and Critique, Vol. 11, issue 3, 2018, pp. 503-507

This article examines how students organize and use media to address sexual violence, the problem of faculty/student relationships, and the failures of some institutional response. It notes, in particular, how students make sexual violence public through the use of open letters; how they create anonymous and informal online reporting platforms for students to disclose sexual violence; and how they model practices of accountability and survivor-centred care.

Wright, Kailin, Performing This is For You, Anna as #MeToo: Sexual Harassment and Performance-Based Activism on a University Campus, Canadian Theatre Review, Vol. 180, 2019, pp. 27-35

In 2017, two students at St. Francis Xavier University were arrested on charges of sexual violence. In support of student survivors, Theatre Antigonish staged the feminist collective piece ‘This is For You, Anna’ in 2018. This article focuses on how the on-campus production and audience responded to acts of gender-based violence. In examining the St. Francis Xavier University production and creation process, this article asks, what can theatre do for student survivors? How can theatre enact change on campus?

F.5.b.iii.2. USA

Sex and Power: #MeToo, one year on, Economist, 28/12/2018, pp. 16-16

Argues that movements sparked by alleged rape accusations could be the most powerful force for equality since women's suffrage' and discusses their impact and challenges in politics and business in the US.

See also more detailed articles on the same issue: ‘#MeToo and politics; Truth and Consequences', pp. 36-37, and 'American business after Weinstein: Behind closed doors', pp. 59-60.

Antilla, Susan, Entire industries are being blacklisted by insurers over #MeToo liability, The Intercept, 02/02/2019,

A short report on a rising wave of pressure that is weighing on companies that seek sexual harassment insurance in the US.

Dockterman, Eliana, Survivors used #MeToo to speak up. A year later they are still fighting for meaningful change, Time, 20/10/2018,

After Weinstein accusers were nominated by Time as ‘Person of the Year’, this article explores the legacy left by the movement in the US one year since #MeToo exploded globally.

Freedman, Estelle B., Redefining Rape: Sexual Violence in the Era of Suffrage and Segregation, Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harvard University Press, 2015, pp. 416

Estelle Freedman highlights the forces that have shaped the definition of rape in the US, namely political power and social privilege. She outlines the history of how the conception of rape has evolved since the 1870s to the 1930s, when both racial segregation and the women’s suffrage movement influenced how rape was understood.

Hobbs, Allyson, One year of #MeToo: the legacy of Black women’s testimonies, The New Yorker, 10/10/2018,

Hobbs explores the tradition of testimony over sexual assault allegations by women of colour – from Harriet Jacobs’ case in 1861 up to now - and how that has facilitated testimony today in the US. She advocates a more inclusive narrative that can overcome the gender-only or race-only approach to telling stories of sexual abuse.

Kelly, Cara ; Hegarty, Aaron, #MeToo was a culture shock. But changing laws will take more than a year, USA Today, 05/10/2018,

A comprehensive article exploring the legislative advances and what is yet to be accomplished in the US one year after the emergence of the #MeToo movement and #TimeIsUp campaigns.

Kendra, Doty, "Girl Riot, Not Gonna Be Quiet”––Riot Grrrl, #MeToo, and the Possibility of Blowing the Whistle on Sexual Harassment, Hastings Women’s Law Journal, Vol. 31, issue 1, 2020, pp. 41-68

This article makes comparisons between the pre-digital ‘Riot Girl’ movement of the 1990s, which developed out of feminist punk rock bands in the US, and MeToo. Both have named perpetrators of sexual violence, warned others about predators, and offered support to survivors. But those naming perpetrators have become much more liable to retaliation in the digital age. The author argues that the complex body of law related to whistleblowing provides a framework for MeToo accusers to express their anger and frustration, as the Riot Girl did.

Kohn, Laurie, #MeToo, Wrongs against Women, and Restorative Justice, Kansas Jourbal of Law and Public Policy, Vol. XXVIII, 2019, pp. 561-586

Kohn discusses the allegations against high-profile perpetrators as a representative sample of the range of accusations raised generally by the #MeToo movement. She also analyzes the current responses available to redress these wrongs and then turns to the potential of restorative justice. This is conceived as a therapeutic form of dispute resolution that has enormous potential for eliciting the outcomes the #MeToo movement seek: true gender-equality, respect, and understanding.

Legislature, NCSL – Nation, 2018 Legislation On Sexual Harassment in the Legislature, Washington, D.C. and Denver, NCSL – National Conference of State Legislature, 2018

This online report includes up-to-date links to the status of the legislation on sexual harassment in every state in the US.

MacKinnon, Catharine ; Mitra, Durba, Ask a Feminist: Sexual Harassment in the Age of #MeToo, Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, Vol. 44, issue 4, 2019, pp. 1027-1043

Feminist legal scholar, writer, teacher, and activist Catharine A. MacKinnon discusses the #MeToo movement with Durba Mitra, professor of women, gender and sexualities studies. They discuss the origins of sexual harassment law and the relationship between the law and social movements. Other topics include the particular vulnerabilities faced by women of colour, immigrant women and trans people, and harassment in international law.

Marron, Maria, Misogyny And Media In The Age Of Trump, London, Lexington Books, 2020, pp. 406

This book explores misogyny across the media, from political and editorial cartoons to news and sport. It also covers film, television, social media (especially Twitter), and journalistic organizations that address gender inequities. The authors argue that the conservative populism ushered in by President Donald Trump and the Republicans create the social-cultural and political environment that have prompted the #MeToo Movement and Fourth Wave Feminism in the US as a response. They argue, therefore, that the ‘social contract’ should be reinterpreted to create a just, gender- and race-equitable society.

North, Anna, The #MeToo movement and its evolution explained, Vox, 11/10/2018,

This long article narrates the birth of the #MeToo movement and its development. It also provides a list of the more than 200 high-profile figures who were accused since 2017, which is constantly updated. (You can access the lost from here as well: https://www.vox.com/a/sexual-harassment-assault-allegations-list).

Pazzanese, Christina ; Walsh, Coleen, The women’s revolt: Why now, and where to?, The Harvard Gazzette, 21/12/2017,

In this long article academics across a range of disciplines assess the factors that currently define the repercussions of and reactions to sexual harassment among survivors, perpetrators and in society in general. It explores the power of narrative in the post-Weinstein era; the waves of feminism that had led to the current movements; the role of culture and power in addressing gender relations and the power dynamics of sexual harassment; the role of formal policies and education in tackling sexual harassment, and the need to reframe masculinity.

Quart, Alyssa, #MeToo’s hidden activists? Working class women, The Guardian, 25/09/2018,

The article sheds light on the need to include the struggle of women from lower social classes, who suffer harassment and sexual abuse, within the public exposure that the #MeToo movement achieved since 2017. It argues that understanding the dynamic of sexual harassment and sexual assaults in every working context is fundamental to understand how to end it.

Reger, Jo, Nevertheless, They Persisted: Feminisms and Continued Resistance in the U.S. Women's Movement, New York and Milton Park, Routledge, 2018, pp. 238

The year 2017 began with Trump’s presidency, sparking women’s marches in the U.S. and across the globe. This edited collection of empirical studies of the U.S. women’s movement focuses on sociological and historical data. It includes discussions of digital and social media, gender identity and the reinvigorated anti-rape climate, while also focusing on issues of diversity, inclusion, and unacknowledged privilege in the movement.

Rock, Lucy, How American women’s growing power finally turned #metoo into a cultural moment, The Guardian, 04/12/2017,

Journalist Lucy Rock briefly explores the history of ‘sexual harrassment’ in the US since 17th century slavery. She then focuses on the 1990s up to the Harvey Weinstein scandal, a moment which she considers revolutionary because of the reforms it can lead to.

Wexler, Lesley ; Robbennolt, Jennifer ; Murphy, Colleen, #MeToo, Time’s Up, and theories of justice, University of Illinois Law Review, Vol. 2019, issue 1, 2019, pp. 45-110

The authors begin by documenting the restorative origins of #MeToo, as well as exploring steps taken especially by Time's Up, to amplify and promote the credibility of survivors' voices, seek accountability, change workplace practices, and encourage access to the legal system. They then explore the key components of restorative justice: acknowledgement, responsibility-taking, harm repair, non-repetition, and reintegration. The aim is how these concepts might apply in the context of addressing sexual assault and harassment in the workplace and in the world at large.

Yeung, Beatrice, In A Day’s Work: The Fight to End Sexual Violence Against America’s Most Vulnerable Workers, New York, The New Press, 2018, pp. 240

Investigative journalist Beatrice Yeung explores episodes of sexual violence that immigrant workers in the US experience in their workplace at the hands of employers who exploit them. It also gives an account of what type of reactions they face when they decide to denounce the abuses.

F.5.b.iii.3. Latin America

Take Five: Fighting femicide in Latin America, UN Women, 15/02/2017,

Discusses the deadly forms of violence against women in Latin America, the current development of the launching of the Latin America Model Protocol in 2014 by UN Women and the High Commissioner of Human Rights, and the most recent updates on the legislation by Latin American countries.

To access the last Survey on gender-based violence in Latin America, please see http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/about-us/highlights/2016/highlight-rn63.html

Fighting gender violence: what Brazil, Argentina and others are doing, Americas Quarterly, 09/01/2017,

Provides information on the legal framework on femicide of most Latin American countries up to 2017.

Take Five: Fighting femicide in Latin America, UN Women, 15/02/2017,

To access the last Survey on gender-based violence in Latin America, please see http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/about-us/highlights/2016/highlight-rn63.html

Rita Segato on political feminism: ‘There is no prince, TeleSur, 19/12/2018,

Arroyo, Lorena, Femicide: The scourge that kills 12 women a day in Latin America, Univision News, 07/03/2017,

Provides data on femicide in Latin America (up to 2016). It also provides links to individual cases that advanced the protection of women in Colombia, Mexico and Paraguay, and also reports on El Salvador, Argentina and Cuba. In almost all Latin America countries, violence against women is difficult to challenge due to the pervasiveness of patriarchal and macho culture. In general, it is acknowledged that tolerance of this type of violence is due to the belief that ‘having a woman’s body’ means ‘having a sexual body’, which places women in a subordinate and objectified position. Moreover, because in many Latin American countries murder of men is frequent due to gang-related crimes, deaths of women have appeared, in comparison, unimportant.

For a general overview of high-profile cases that have helped to stimulate a debate about femicide, rape, domestic violence and other forms of abuse, and led to protests for women’s rights and against femicide prior to 2017, see https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2016/jun/03/brazil-argentina-unite-protest-sexual-violence-gender for Brazil and Argentina; https://eu.usatoday.com/story/news/world/2016/04/25/state-violence-against-women-mexico/83488114/ for Mexico; http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2015/4/30/bolivia-struggles-with-gender-based-violence.html for Bolivia; https://colombiareports.com/colombias-women-protest-against-gender-based-violence/ for Colombia; http://www.ipsnews.net/2016/08/peruvians-say-no-to-violence-against-women/ for Peru.
For factors behind the world’s highest number of female murder rates in Latin America, see https://www.opendemocracy.net/democraciaabierta/mimi-yagoub/why-does-latin-america-have-worlds-highest-female-murder-rates

Bintrim, Rebecca, Fighting gender violence: what Brazil, Argentina and others are doing, Americas Quarterly, 09/01/2017,

Provides information on the legal framework on femicide of most Latin American countries up to 2017.

Boerman, Thomas ; Knapp, Jennifer, Gang Culture and Violence Against Women in El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala, Immigration Briefings, issue 17-03, 2017, pp. 1-16

Boesten, Jelke, Ni Una Menos stares down conservative reaction, NACLA, 08/05/2018,

Discusses the development of a new wave of feminism in Latin America, with particular regard to the ‘Ni Una Menos’ movement, and notes its main differences from ‘Me Too’ in the US, particularly in the type of testimonies relayed, and the inclusion and diversity within the Latin American movement. Boesten also reports on the harsh backlash against the newly developing feminist movements, provoked by conservative Catholicism and pays tribute to Colombian writer Emma Reyes, who symbolises the hidden contribution to literature women in Latin America can offer, providing a different perspective on the pervasive violent misogyny in the country.

Branigan, Claire ; Palmeiro, Cecilia, Women strike in Latin America and beyond, NACLA Report on the Americas, 2018

Thorough account of the organisation of #NiUnaMenos and the 2018 International Women’s Strike, elucidating how the strike became a decisive moment in the history of Argentina’s and Latin America’s feminist revolutions. The authors note that the region functions as a laboratory for observing the imposition of high impact neoliberal economic policies. The process by which IWS has become successful is based on radicalization by mass mobilisation and inclusion and aims never to isolate sexual violence from the very complex entwinement of capitialism and machista violences (macho culture) that lies at the core of the capitalist system.

Frayssinet, Fabiana, In Latin America ‘MeToo’ doesn’t always mean the same thing, IPS, 05/03/2018,

A comprehensive article on the various demonstrations and campaigns organised in Latin America with the aim of tackling gender-based violence. It highlights differences with the ‘MeToo’ movement in North America by pointing out how feminist activism in Latin America has always been based on a political and structural analysis of violence, rather than on individual statements by mostly famous women. This analysis also assesses the violence committed against women of different race, age, class and immigration status, and highlights the institutions that in Latin America are at the forefront of this battle.

Galindo, Jimena ; Gaytan, Victoria, Latin America and the Caribbean’s grievous femicide case, Global Americans, 29/11/2019,

Highlights the evidence that in 32 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean at least 3,529 women were victims of femicide in 2018. According to the report by ECLAC, the five countries with the highest rates of femicide in Latin America are: El Salvador (6.8 femicides per 100,000 women), Honduras (5.1), Bolivia (2.3), Guatemala (2.0) and the Dominican Republic (1.9). In the Caribbean, Guyana leads with 8.8 femicides per 100,000 women, followed by Saint Lucia (4.4), Trinidad and Tobago (3.4), Barbados (3.4), and Belize (2.6).

Klipic, Irma, Government responses to feminicides in Latin America, Växjö‎ & ‎Kalmar‎, ‎Småland‎ (Sweden), Linnæeus University, 2018

This thesis examines how government responses affected femicide rates in five selected countries: Costa Rica, Chile, Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico. The study is a qualitative comparative multi-case study using social inclusion and exclusion theory to understand if policies are inclusive or exclusive, and if the nature of legislation has an impact on the femicide rates.

UNDP, ; Women, UN, From Commitment to Action: Policies to End Violence Against Women in Latin America and the Caribbean, 2017, pp. 85

The report identifies the progress made by institutional approaches to tackling violence against women in the region. It also presents positive experiences that occurred in some states in the areas of prevention, care, punishment, and reparation for violence against women and provides recommendations to address the obstacles that prevents the full implementation of measures tackling violence against women in the Latin America. It provides an important resource for many countries in the process of formulating, implementing and evaluating their own public policies and plans.

F.5.b.iii.3.n Venezuela

Boothroyd, Rachel, Venezuelan women’s movement demand justice for feminicide of activist, Venezuelananalysis, 02/11/2017,

Following the alleged murder of Caracas activist Sheila Silva, feminists and women’s movements in Venezuela launched a campaign demanding authorities take decisive action against gender-based violence and femicide. The activists’ initiative was supported by the Venezuelan government campaign ‘Peace Begins at Home: No More Violence Against Women’. The campaign saw various public landmarks lit up in violet light by night, aimed at promoting debate about the decriminalization of abortion and family planning, and also the need to criminalise domestic violence. These are all long-term demands of Venezuela’s feminist movements.

Mesones, Rojo, It’s So Hard to Be a Feminist in Venezuela, Caracas Chronicles, 09/12/2019,

Describes the feminist revolt in Caracas, Venezuela, seeking to bring attention to gender-based violence, and highlight the lack of statistics on femicides (which have not been updated since 2013) and the current obstacles to Venezuelan feminism.

Pérez, Noemi, The ‘fallen’ Miss Venezuela: a tragedy of sexual slavery and trafficking, OpenDemocracy, 14/08/2019,

Due to a political, economic and humanitarian crisis, Venezuelans are fleeing and leaving everything behind to reach safety. According to the UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, as the number of refugees and migrants from Venezuela tops 4 million, this has become the largest migratory flow in the history of the American region. This long report highlights the conditions of Venezuelan women and girls who face sexual slavery and child exploitation, amongst many other threats.

Rojas, Rachel, Venezuelan women’s movement demand justice for feminicide of activist, Venezuelananalysis, 02/11/2017,

Zuñiga, Mariana, American court opens historic hearing into Venezuela rape and torture case, The Guardian, 06/02/2018,

This article describes the case of Linda Loaiza López Soto, who was kindapped and repeatedly raped and tortured by her abductor for months in 2001, when she was 18 years old, after over 16 years of struggling for justice and exhausting all avenues in Venezuela. Her case was heard by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. It was the first case related to gender-based violence in Venezuela to be judged by the court. On November 16, 2018, in a decision with potential implications for survivors around the world, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights ruled that the State of Venezuela is responsible for the torture and sexual slavery of a young woman, who had spent half her life fighting for justice.

For more legal details on the case see https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/wps/2019/12/05/gender-based-violence-as-torture-the-case-of-linda-loaiza-lopez-soto/

F.5.b.iii.3.h El Salvador

El Salvador’s women rise up against gender violence, femicide, TeleSur, 27/04/2018,

Initiative by women’s rights organisations in El Salvador who gathered outside the Attorney General’s Office to protest against the surge in femicides, gender-based violence and a chain of unsolved crimes.

Nugent, Ciara, Violence Against Women in El Salvador Is Driving Them to Suicide — Or to the U.S. Border, 14/05/2019,

This long report explores the rate and consequences of femicide in El Salvador.

F.5.b.iii.3.g Dominican Republic

Alcántara, Amanda, In Dominican Republic, Thousands Join ‘March Of The Butterflies’ Protest Against Gender Violence, Latino USA, 25/11/2019,

Following the murder of at least 357 women by their partners or ex-partners, women organised the March of the Butterflies to protest against the alarming rate of femicide in Dominican Republic.

Manley, Elizabeth, Revitalizing feminism in the Dominican Republic, NACLA, 27/11/2018,

On the occasion of the 2018 International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, this long article remembers the 58^th anniversary of the killing of the Mirabal sisters by dictator Rafael Trujillo. They had been involved in the resistance against him in the Dominican Republic. Publicity about the Mirabal sisters inspired a wave of feminist activism in the Dominican Republic.

Manley, Elizabeth, Revitalizing feminism in the Dominican Republic, NACLA Report on the Americas, 27/11/2018,

This long article acknowledges the 58^th anniversary on November 25 of the murder of three young women – the Mirabal sisters - at the hands of dictator Rafael Trujillo in the Dominican Republic. November 25 became the Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, and gave rise to the emergence of feminist groups, such as the Tertulia Feminista Magaly Pineda (Magali Pineta Feminist Gathering), Coloquio Mujeres RD (Women’s Colloquium RD) and Encuentro de Abrazos (Gathering of Embraces). These groups, amongst others, represent the new wave of feminist activity in the Dominican Republic, and stress the role of women in denouncing gender-based violence committed by the state and other social actors. The article establishes connections in some cases between their struggles and Latin America’s resistance to US occupation. It also stresses the importance of creating networks of solidarity with other countries in Latin America as well as enlarging the discussion to other aspects of gender identity and sexuality.

F.5.b.iii.3.f Cuba

Padrón, Claudia, Why aren’t women protesting in Cuba?, IWPR, 13/06/2018,

Claudia Padrón Cueto comments on the absence of the crime of femicide in the Cuban Criminal Code, and on the lack of statistics and appropriate media reporting on the subject. She also recalls the protests in Argentina, Mexico, Chile and Brazil under the slogans #NoEstamosTodas (“We’re Not All Here”) #NiUnaMenos (“Not One Less”) and argues that the lack of demonstrations and feminist movements do negatively affect Cuban society.

Suarez, Lucia, Violence against women, it is my business, Havana Times, 20/09/2018,

Discusses the challenges faced by Cuban women while searching for protection from sexual violence and sexual harassment.

Torres-Santana, Ailynn, It was feminicide and that matters, CubaNews, 27/08/2018,

Sheds light on the role of social groups that have promoted the definition of the crime of gender-based homicide as “femicide” and reports on the legal framework that exists in Cuba on the matter.

F.5.b.iii.3.i Guatemala

Guatemala: Two Women Murdered Every Day, Horizons, 05/01/2018,

Exlores femicide in Guatemala with particular reference to violence experienced by indigenous women.

Women in Guatemala steer change, seek solutions to end sexual harassment in public spaces, UN Women, 15/11/2018,

Highlights the initiative ‘Guatemala Safe City’ as part of the UN Safe Cities and Safe Public Spaces Global Initiative to tackle sexual harassment in Guatemala.

Walsh, Shannon ; Menjívar, Cecilia, What Guarantees Do We Have?” Legal Tolls and Persistent Impunity for Feminicide in Guatemala, Latin America Politics and Society, Vol. 58, issue 4, 2016, pp. 31-55

Despite laws intended to protect women, Guatemala has one of the highest levels of killings of women and impunity for violence against women in the world. This article examines obstacles in the justice system to processing cases of feminicide comparing two cases. It argues that the sociopolitical context of structural violence, widespread poverty, inequality, corruption, and normalization of gender violence against women, generates penalties, or “legal tolls” on victims' families. These tolls of fear and time (the need to overcome fear of retaliation and the extraordinary time and effort it takes to do so in a corrupt and broken system) undermine efforts by victims to find a way through the justice system.

F.5.b.iii.3.j Honduras

Garcia, Isabel, Violence Against Women In Politics: Research On Political Parties In Honduras, Washington, D.C., National Democratic Institute (NDI), 2017, pp. 52

This report focuses on “all forms of aggression, coercion and intimidation against women as political actors simply because they are women. These acts – whether directed at women as civic leader, voters, political party members, candidates, elected representatives or appointed officials – are designed to restrict the political participation of women as a group. This violence reinforces traditional stereotypes and roles given to women, using domination and control to exclude women from politics”, as defined by the NDI.

McSheffrev, Elizabeth, Honduran women pay for rights with their lives, National Observer, 01/03/2018,

This interactive long report explores the killing of Berta Cáceres, environmentalist and recipient of the Goldman Environmental Prize, and contextaulises it within the emergence of a cohesive feminist movement in Honduras. It also reports the statistics on violence against women in the country, and initiatives to tackle it.

Menjívar, Cecilia ; Walsh, Shannon, The Architecture of Feminicide: The State, Inequalities, and Everyday Gender Violence in Honduras, Latin American Research Review, Vol. 52, issue 2, 2017, pp. 221-240

The authors examine the role of the state in relation to the growing risk of violence against women at home and on the streets. They argue that, especially since the 2009 coup, increasing political repression, pervasive violence and the loss of power by civil society groups promote extreme violence against women. They also argue that there is a growing gap between the laws officially protecting women (passed to appease international or internal pressure) and the actual implementation of those laws.

F.5.b.iii.3.m Uruguay

Hundreds protest femicide in Uruguay, TeleSur, 26/10/2018,

Reports on one of the most infamous case of a 68-year old woman who was killed by her partner, which gave rise to widespread protests against femicide in Uruguay. Uruguay’s penal code introduced femicide only in April 2018.

F.5.b.iii.3.l Peru

Peru: Thousands march for justice, equality, women’s rights, TeleSur, 11/08/2018,

Massive demonstration in the Peruvian capital, Lima, organized by the Assembly of Women and Diversities and the NGO Ni Una Menos (Not One More), which involved 20 human rights groups demanding justice for women, following the acquittal of a man accused of rape who negotiated with the authorities for his release.

Peru: Court hands down first ever sentence for sexual harassment, TeleSur, 11/10/2018,

Report on the first sentencing of a man to prison and to payment of damages to the victim for a case of aggravated sexual harassment toward a 15-year old young woman. It also recalls one controversial case that motivated the rise of the movement NiUnaMenos.

Tegel, Simeon, While the US has #MeToo, Latin America’s ‘NiUnaMenos' spotlights femicides, violence against women, NBCNews, 17/03/2018,

Only 20 years since the concept of femicide became an issue in Latin America, following the notorious wave of unresolved killings of women in Ciudad Juárez in Mexico in the 1990s, Peru is also in the spotlight following a case of grave sexual assault against a 22 year old girl.

F.5.b.iii.3.k Mexico

Mexico: Submission to the Committee On the Elimination of Violence Against Women, Amnesty International, 2018, pp. 13

This report sets out Amnesty International’s concerns about the Mexican state’s failure to comply with observations of the Committee (in the combined seventh and eighth periodic reports) on violence against women. Amnesty notes in particular the murder of women for gender-based motives, also known as “femicides”, the gender alert mechanism, disappearances of women, and the torture and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment of women during detention, which is exacerbated in the context of a militarization of public security.

Mexicans petition Dia de Muertas, memorial to femicide victims, TeleSur, 24/10/2018,

Describes Mexican activists that are collecting signatures to declare October 24 Dia de Muertas in order to create awareness of the three thousand femicides that occur every year. Human rights organizations hope the new commemorative day would draw international attention to the impunity surrounding the rising number of gender-based crimes.

Thousands of Mexican women march against femicide, kidnapping, TeleSur, 03/02/2019,

Describes the march to demand President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador should take appropriate action to protect women’s lives.

Bautusta, Nidia, Surviving one of Mexico’s deadliest places for women, NACLA Report on the Americas, 04/02/2019,

Bautusta describes the progress Mexico has made since 2007 in the legislation related to femicide, and provides information on the prosecution of femicide and the related conviction rate. She also describes the campaign ‘Invisibles Somos Visibles’ (Invisibles We are Visible), a collective that uses performance art to denounce femicide. The collective puts on performances that dramatise the stories of local women who have been killed, seeking to generate discussion about machismo and misogyny within their communities and the legal impunity that surrounds these crimes.

Klein, Hilary, A spark of hope: The ongoing lessons of the Zapatista revolution 25 years on, NACLA Reports on the Americas, 18/01/2019,

Lopez, Maria E., Femicide in Ciudad Juárez is enabled by the regulation of gender, justice, and production in Mexico, London School of Economics and Political Science Blog, 15/02/2018,

Sheds light on the causes of femicide in Ciudad Juarez, a city in Mexico with the highest rate of femicides. It highlights nonviolent initiatives led by feminist groups and emphasises that the pandemic of femicide in Ciudad Juárez should be placed in a national context of uncontrolled violence from organised crime, impunity, institutional corruption, and a patriarchal mentality.

F.5.b.iii.3.e Colombia

Colombia femicide: new exhibition aims to raise femicide awareness, 16/12/2017,

TRT World journalist, Dimitri O’Donnell interviews Adriana Cely Verdadero, a women’s rights activist, and Ana Guezmes Garcia, a representative of UN Women Colombia, who provide background to the exhibition dedicated to the victims of femicide in Colombia and the gaps the social and political systems need to fill. Published on 16 December 2017 on YouTube.

VigiaAfro: Observatory on gender-based violence against Afro-Colombians, MADRE, 10/12/2018,

Afro-Colombian women are documenting testimonies for use by the new online observatory, VigiaAfro, created to report on and raise awareness about sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) against Afro-descendants. MADRE is an international women's human rights organization working in partnership with community-based women's organizations worldwide in contexts of conflict, disasters, and their aftermath. It operates within the framework of a project entitled, Afro-Colombian Community Initiative for Sustainable and Inclusive Peace in Colombia.

Colombia: violence against women activists, leaders and defenders, LatinAmericanPost, 08/03/2018,

Under the slogan "Now is the time: Rural and urban activists transform the lives of women", UN Women draw attention to the work of the movement of women activists in Colombia and the circumstances they have to face on a daily basis.

Acevedo, Nicole, For the first time, Colombia prosecutes a transgender woman’s murder as a femicide, NBCNews, 19/12/2018,

Historic conviction of a 23-year old young man who murdered Anyela Ramos Claros, a transgender woman. This was the first conviction among at least 35 cases in Colombia.

Darkin, Elly, Making femicide visible, The Bogotà Post, 10/03/2017,

Journalist Elly Draking interviews Isabel Agatón, human rights lawyer and director of CIJUSTICIA (Centre for Research in Justice and Critical Studies of Law) to highlight her key role in the creation and implementation of Law 1761 in 2015 in Colombia, which made femicide a legally defined crime, punishable with up to 50 years in jail. It also highlights the obstacles the Colombian government still faces in implementing this law, fully.

F.5.b.iii.3.d Chile

Students lead Chile's #MeToo moment, Guardian Weekly, 13/07/2018, pp. 8-8

Describes a new generation of student activists who are waging a struggle against harassment and sexual discrimination in universities through strikes, occupations and protests. When the article was published many university buildings were still being occupied. Polls showed public support and the government promised to meet some (but not all) of the students’ demands.

Bartlett, John, Chile’s #MeToo moment: Students protest against sexual harassment, The Guardian, 08/07/2018,

It explores the wave of student protests that paralysed schools and universities across Chile, demanding protection against sexual harassment and calling for gender equality.

Cohen, Margot, The language of violence: gender-based murder and the patriarchal state. A feminist case study of femicide in Chile from 2010-2017, 2018

PowerPoint presentation where Margot Cohen briefly addresses which factors can explain institutional responses to gender-based violence; how state institutions have responded to femicide in Chile up until 2017, and what are the implications of these responses for reducing levels of femicide.

Dessi, Giulia, Occupying against the patriarchy, New Internationalist, 25/06/2018,

Journalist Giulia Dessi reports on the series of students’ occupations (particularly by young women) that started in Southern Chile on 17 April 2018 and prompted a new wave of feminist civil disobedience. These demonstrations were responding to a case of sexual harassment by a university professor, Carlos Carmona, former president of the Constitutional Court. He was suspended for lack of integrity for only three months after eight months of protests. The students wanted to raise awareness of the systemic character of sexism and they campaigned for the university to put in place policies against sexual harassment. In addition, the students voiced a broader theoretical challenge to free-market capitalism. Following the protest Chilean President, Sebatsian Piñera, announced the ‘Women’s Agenda’ consisting of measures that address gender inequality in the areas of harassment, childcare and health. In November 2018, Chile signed a joint agreement with Peru at the Second Binational Cabinet that established increased sanctions for gender violence and domestic abuse.

Quiroz, Nelson, A most feminist year: how female voices were heard in Chile, Chile Today, 09/03/2019,

Highlights the rapid rise of a new wave of feminism in Chile thanks to students’ demonstrations across the country aiming at tackling femicide and impunity.

F.5.b.iii.3.c Brazil

Boldrin, Juliana ; de Moraes, Hermínio Salati Mar ; Silva, Danilo Soares, Participation in Brazilian feminist movements on social networks: a study on the campaign Meu Amigo Secreto (My Secret Santa), Informaçao & Sociedade, Vol. 27, issue 2, 2017, pp. 219-234

Recently, many women’s movements in Brazil sought internet as means of expression and claim, and held campaigns of national and international impact through it, disseminating information using the hashtags #meuamigosecreto (#mysecretsanta) and #meuprimeiroassédio (#myfirstharassment) to denounce situations of various types of harassment they have experienced. The authors of this study aimed to identify which are the elements that influence the intention of women’s participation in online feminist movements by surveying 185 Brazilian women who took part in the #meuamigosecreto campaign. The survey provides relevant information for better understanding of feminist movements online, demonstrating that the participants believe that the campaigns strengthen the feminist movement, assist in raising awareness of men about their macho attitudes, can result in a decrease of cases of violence against women and can contribute to the debate on violence against women.

De Avila, Thiago, Facing domestic violence against women in Brazil: advances and challenges, International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy (IJCJ&SJ),, Vol. 7, issue 2, 2018, pp. 15-29

This article offers a critical overview of the Brazilian legal framework for confronting domestic violence. Intimate partner homicides are epidemic in Brazil: there are four deaths of women per day. In 2006, the Maria da Penha Law (MPL) introduced integrated polices and transformed criminal procedures to deal with the complexities of gender violence. Reforms included the establishment of The House of Brazilian Women, women‐only police stations, specialised courts, intervention orders, interdisciplinary experts, and perpetrator programs. In 2015, a new law established the crime of femicide and was designed to prevent ‘honour killings’ defences in cases of intimate partner homicides and to avoid impunity. Despite the legal reforms, the structure and articulation of the networks of services remains a challenge. The MPL led to great social change in Brazil by raising awareness of violence against women, and facilitating a broader discussion about gender equality.

Jarrin, Alvaro ; Caldwell, Kia Lilly, Beyond #MeToo, Brazilian women rise up against racism and sexism, 12/01/2018,

Examines the emergence of #MeuPrimeiroAssedio (‘My First Harassment’) in Brazil in 2015, aimed at tackling sexual violence but also other social evils. These include mass incarceration, deadly abortion medical neglect, and racism against the large portion of Afro-American women that compose Brazilian society (more than 25%).

Paiva, Raquel, #MeToo, feminism and femicide in Brazil, Interactions: Studies in Communication & Culture, Vol. 10, issue 3, 2019, pp. 241-255

Paiva analyses the international #MeToo movement from the perspective of the Brazilian feminist movement; its historical approaches and new focus on using social networks. She also interprets #MeToo as one expression of new feminism and the related movements and collectives that stemmed from it. The author finally analyses #EleNão (NotHim) as an offshoot of #MeToo and its failure to prevent the 2018 election of Jair Bolsonaro, who represented misogynist and chauvinist movement in Brazil.

Ribeiro, Valeria, Sexual Harassment and Assault in Domestic Work: An Exploration of Domestic Workers and Union Organizers in Brazil, Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Anthropology, Vol. 24, issue 2, 2018, pp. 388-405

This article uses interviews with domestic workers and union organizers to investigate this issue in relation to the conditions that characterize domestic work and the racism and sexism in Brazilian society. The author argues that it is closely linked to the country’s slave-owning past and that women’s silence in relation to their experiences of sexual assault should be interpreted as a form of agency and resilience within a broader context of social oppression.

Smith, Christensen, Lingering trauma in Brazil: Police violence against black women, NACLA Report on the Americas, Vol. 50, issue 4, 2018, pp. 369-376

This article points out the necessity of resisting anti-Black women policing practices, and argues that resistance must be organised by rethinking how we understand police violence in relation to the passage of time. Smith makes use of the term sequelae, which indicates ‘a condition that is the consequence of a previous disease’, to help shed light on the effects of police brutality on women, and its medium and long-term effects that are often overlooked. The article recalls four known Black women whose murder prompted vast public outcry - Claudia Silva de Ferreira; Marielle Franco; Luana Barbosa; and Aurina Rodrigues Santana – and articulates how sequelae are the combination of both physical and emotional trauma suffered by Black women.

F.5.b.iii.3.b Bolivia

Bolivia revolutionises the fight against femicide, YouTube, 30/11/2018,

This short video shows Bolivian President, Evo Morales announcing the creation of a Defence Cabinet specialised in tackling violence against women and in supporting grassroots efforts. This video situates Bolivia’s move within the wider international context of governments integrating women’s liberation into the executive branch, taking inspiration from countries such as Cuba and Vietnam, which have done the same. In the video, RT producer, Cale Holmes, analyses how, despite an increase in femicide, violence against women and reactionary backlash in Bolivia, the government under Evo Morales was supporting women’s struggle.

Collins, Dan, The woman breaking Bolivia's culture of silence on rape, The Guardian, 28/12/2018,

Covers the story of Brisa De Angulo, now in her 30s, who was raped at the age of 15 and, two years after, opened the first – and only – comprehensive support centre for child survivors of sexual violence. This led to creation of the charity A Breeze of Hope and prompted support from Bolivian society and local NGOs.

F.5.b.iii.3.a Argentina

Argentina: Lower House approves bill against gender violence, TeleSur, 19/12/2018,

Records the approval of the Micaela Law in December 2018, which made the training on gender and violence against women mandatory for all state officials and workers. It also summarises the key points of the Law.

Thousands in Argentina protest acquittal in teeneage girl’s murder, Al Jazeera, 06/12/2018,

Reports on the revival of the #NiUnaMenos movement following the acquittal of two men accused of sexual violence and the murder of 16-year old Lucia Perez in the coastal city of Mar del Plata. It also provides data on femicide since 2008.

For the same event, see also http://time.com/5472053/argentina-protest-lucia-perez-ni-una-menos/.

Funes, Samanta, The birth of feminicides in Argentina: a recognition of gender violence, Heinrich Böll Stiftung-European Union, Heinrich Böll Stiftung, 13/12/2017,

Funes notes the legislative development in Argentina since 2009 to tackle femicide and the development of the #NiUnaMenos movement since 2015.

Gagliardi, Macarena, Argentina: A pioneer in women’s rights’, Univision News, 07/03/2017,

An account of the origin of #NiUnaMenos in Argentina, that arose prior to #MeToo in the USA – and of the progress the country achieved in tackling femicide. Although femicide and other forms of violence against women are still high and cruel, Argentina is the most advanced country within Latin America for the protection of women’s rights. The #NiUnaMenos movement was born in 2015 after a tweet by journalist Marcela Ojeda about the murder of Chiara Páez, 14-year old and pregnant. The young woman disappeared in May in Santa Fe province, and her body was found buried under the patio of her boyfriend's home. She had been beaten to death. Marcela Ojeda’s tweet “Women, together. Why don't we scream? THEY ARE KILLING US” gave rise to the start of #NiUnaMenos.

Garibotti, María ; Hopp, Cecilia Marcela, Substitution Activism: The Impact of #MeToo in Argentina, in Fileborn B., Loney-Howes R. (eds) #MeToo and the Politics of Social Change, In , Cham, Switzerland, Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 185-199

Garibotti and Hopp argue that even though anti-rape politics did not advance in any meaningful way in Argentina #MeToo provided feminists with an opportunity to access mainstream media and discuss their local agenda: the legalization of abortion. Due to the influence of #NiUnaMenos, another social media campaign that commenced in 2015, by the time #MeToo was launched in 2017, feminist movements were highly organized, had a clear agenda and used the opportunity to press for the legalization of abortion. The chapter shows how #MeToo provided a new arena for women’s voices and new ways of organizing feminist mobilization.

Gutman, Daniel, Women in Argentina are empowered as they speak out against gender violence, IPS, 22/12/2018,

Gutman reports on the initiative of the Argentine Actresses collective, a group created by 300 artistes in April 2018, when the country mobilised for the legislative debate on the decriminalisation of abortion. The mobilisation shed light also on the abuses that occurred within the entertainment industry, followed by scandals in the politics’ and sports’ sectors. The article outlines how reported femicides have been on the rise since the birth of #NiUnaMenos, which has promoted recognition of femicide, and the legal and protective initiatives that are taking place in the country thanks to the movement.

Iricibar, Valentina, Campaigners demand action after January surge in femicide, Buenos Aires Times, 09/02/2019,

Report on the initiative of the Argentinian feminist organisation ‘Mujeres de la Matria Latinoamericana’ (MuMaLá) to call on the government to declare a national emergency after 27 confirmed femicides occurred between January and February 2019. The organisation has also submitted a petition highlighting the educational and legislative steps to take in order to reduce this form of violence.

Luengo, María, Shaping solidarity in Argentina: the power of the civil sphere in repairing violence against women, In The Civil Sphere in Latin America, Cambridge, UK, University Printing House, pp. 39-65

María Luengo looks at contemporary movements against femicide in Argentina and at the role the civil sphere plays in creating forms of solidarity with transversal and global links that unite various groups of different beliefs and ideologies. She also sheds light on how the #NiUnaMenos movement is helping to reverse the trend of polarisation within and degradation of the discourse on human rights.

Matienzo, Eugenia R., We, Latin Americans, have a lot to do with the current wave of feminism, Council on Hemispheric Affairs, 07/03/2018,

Examines the factors that could contribute to reduce femicides in Argentina, such as training for state and security personnel, and judicial workers; sex education programs in academia and public schools and the inclusion of women journalists within the broader #NiUnaMenos movement. She also argues that the inclusion of climate justice and structural transformation within the patriarchal system can further contribute to the reduction of femicide.

Palmer, Rose, Ni Una Menos: an uprising of women in Argentina, Culture Trip, 15/12/2017,

Provides historical background to the formation of the #NiUnaMenos movement in Argentina in 2015, which extended to other parts of Latin America, and gives an account of the demands, which were taken up by the government.

See also a more recent article on the development of the movement https://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/while-u-s-has-metoo-latin-america-s-ni-una-n875091.

Sutton, Barbara, Surviving State Terror. Women’s Testimonies of Repression and Resistance in Argentina, New York, New York University Press, 2018, pp. 328

Barbara Sutton collects stories of women in Argentina who have been tortured in clandestine detention. Her work centres on three main questions: how did gender hierarchies, ideologies and identities play out in the infliction of bodily oppression; in the disavowal of the tortured body; and in embodied strategies of survival and resistance. She also asks how can we account for the gendered tortured body and how do we tell stories about it.

Swee, Sheridan, #NiunaMenos: How A Movement Can Create And Maintain Political Salience Through Social Media, Vol. Bachelor of Arts, University of Minnesota Digital Conservancy, 2019

'Ni Una Menos', an Argentine feminist movement, has spread throughout Latin America largely due to its use of social media. The organisation is able to hold to account both the Argentine government and society overall, keeping women’s rights in the spotlight. This study examines ‘Ni Una Menos’ Twitter account since its formation in 2015, in order to understand how the organization has evolved over time, and how it continues to fight for women’s rights.

Terzian, Polly, The Ni Una Menos Movement in Argentina in 21st Century Argentina: Combating More Than Femicide, Carlisle: Pennsylvania, Dickinson College, 2017, pp. 90

Polly Terzian did a study on the development of the ‘NiUnaMenos’ movement in Argentina and raises issues about the historical participation of women in politics. Gender violence and femicide are connected to the analysis of legal issues surrounding them. She also considers the mobilisation of women and the visibility of violence against women in the media landscape.

Tong, Tracy, Feminicide: Argentina has a really bad record for gender-based murder, USA Today, 07/11/2017,

Journalist Karla Zabludovsky recalls the horrific murder of Micaela Garcia for her 'NiUnaMenos' activism in April 2017and how the movement developed in Argentina since her death.

F.5.c. Women Resist Religious and Social Discrimination

Women have often been deprived of the most basic freedoms, such as freedom to be educated, walk the streets or travel, or to have some say in whom they marry, by strong social traditions in patriarchal societies. Women are also harmed by certain cultural customs, such as female genital mutilation (FGM), early marriage and child pregnancies and lack of sexual education. These issues have been addressed in Africa by both women's activism and international organizations. For example the SAUTI Project in Tanzania works to protect adolescent girls from early marriage and pregnancies. There have also been serious efforts to reduce the practice of FGM, which is now officially illegal in some countries (though this does not guarantee it is not still practised). The BMJ Global Health study in 2018 found that the prevalence of FGM has dropped significantly in both East Africa (from 71.4% in 1995 to 8% in 2016 among girls of 14 and under), in West Africa (from 73.6% in 1996 to 25.4% in 2017), and also in North Africa (from 57.7% in 1990 to 14.1% in 2015). But there is caution about the figures. Amref Health Africa, which works to reduce FMG, responded positively, but noted that FMG still occurs among girls over 14, and that there are wide variations within countries, with some communities having rates of 80-90%.

Social pressure restricting women's rights is often reinforced by conservative or extremist interpretation of religious doctrine. Therefore, whilst economic modernization and social change tends to promote women's freedom, this can be counteracted by a rise in dogmatic religious control of politics. In Islamic countries the political power of extreme movements among both Shia and Sunni Muslims has had devastating effects on women's rights, as in Iran since the Revolution of 1979, in Afghanistan under the Taliban, and - most extreme of all - under the brief rule of ISIS in parts of Iraq/Syria. Women have however mounted resistance. In Iran, for example, there has been a growing campaign against compulsory wearing of the hijab in public since 2013, resulting in the arrest of at least 35 women; and in Teheran in March 2018 women engaged in a series of actions in which they very publicly removed their head scarves and waved them. In Afghanistan, under the Taliban women's defiance was mostly organized in secret, but since the end of Taliban rule in 2001 they have campaigned for inclusion in public sphere, including politics, despite ongoing violence, threats, and the killing of several of their leaders. In the light of US peace negotiations with the Taliban, a coalition of Afghan women and young people launched an appeal for women (and other excluded groups in society) to be included in the negotiations, which has also been signed by prominent international figures and Nobel Laureates, including Margaret Atwood (author of the Handmaid's Tale) and Arundhati Roy (novelist and political activist). They called in February 2019 for 'global solidarity to keep women's voices alive'.

Saudi Arabia has long been one of the countries where women are least free. Women have campaigned since 1990 for the right to drive (they were initially prosecuted or socially ostracized) and also protested against 'guardianship' laws that give men in the family control over women's actions. When the Crown Prince ended the driving ban in September 2017 (as part of his campaign for economic and social reform), with support from religious authorities, women rejoiced. However, the regime, though prepared to initiate limited reform from above, will not tolerate independent protest, and over a dozen women activists were arrested in May 2018. Amnesty International reported they had faced sexual harassment and torture during interrogation. Saudi women's lack of protection against abuse was highlighted at the end of 2018, when 18 year old Rahah Mohammed as-Qunun was granted asylum by the Canadian government, after she barricaded herself in a Thai hotel room after fleeing abuse. She has publicized her story on Twitter to encourage other Saudi women.

Other religions also promote discrimination and penalize women, as dramatically illustrated in Kerala in January 2019, when an estimated 3 million women formed a 620km human chain to challenge a ban on (menstruating) women under 50 entering the Hindu Sabarimala Temple, one of Hinduism's holiest sites. Although India's Supreme Court overturned the ban in 2018, some women who then tried to enter were attacked by mobs, and women were still officially denied access by the Temple with the support of many conservative men. The 'women's wall' was initiated by the leftwing government of Kerala, and the demonstration was backed by some men.

The online version of Vol. 1 of the bibliography was made possible due to the generous support of the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict (ICNC). ICNC is an independent, non-profit educational foundation that develops and encourages the study and use of civilian-based, nonmilitary strategies aimed at establishing and defending human rights, democratic self-rule and justice worldwide.

For more information about ICNC, please see their website.

The online version of Vol. 2 of the bibliography was made possible due to the generous support of The Network for Social Change. The Network for Social Change is a group of individuals providing funding for progressive social change, particularly in the areas of justice, peace and the environment.

For more information about The Network for Social Change, please visit their website.

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A Guide to Civil Resistance

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