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, Nga Patai: Racism and Ethnic Relations in Aotearoa, ed. Spoonley, Paul; Macpherson, Cluny; Pearce, David, Palmerston N.Z., Dunmore Press, 1996

, Tackling Trident, ed. Vinthagen, Stellan; Kennick, Justin; Mason, Kelvin, Sparsnas Sweden, Irene Publishing, 2012 , pp. 362

On two ‘Academic Conference Blockades’ at Faslane Trident missile base in Scotland in January and June 2007.

Robinson, Lucy, Gay Men and the Left in Post-War Britain: How the Personal got Political, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2011 , pp. 232

Cory, Geoffrey, Political dialogue workshops: Deepening the peace process in Northern Ireland, 30 1 2012 , pp. 53-90

The author discusses the more than fifty residential three-day political dialogue workshops he facilitated between 1994 and 2007 at the Glencree Centre for Reconciliation near Dublin that brought together politicians from all parties in Britain and Ireland during the period of peace negotiations in Northern Ireland.

Dalton, Emma, A feminist critical discourse analysis of sexual harassment in the Japanese political and media worlds, 77 2019 , pp. 1-10

This article examines sexual harassment that has occurred worlds of media and politics in Japan, in the context of the global (mostly Western) #MeToo movement. It argues that harassment by male political leaders constitutes a pattern and should not be seen simply as isolated individual incidents. This pattern occurs within a cultural context that discourages women from speaking out about individual grievances. The naming of this pattern of sexual harassment is important to address ‘Violence Against Women in Politics’ (VAWP), a problem around the world. The public and media outrage directed at individual sexist statements by male politicians often dissipates, only to emerge again after the next sexist incident makes headlines. By establishing a pattern of sexual harassment, the author aims to show that there is a systemic problem facing all women working in politics or in close proximity to politicians in Japan.

Sharp, Gene, Gandhi as Political Strategist, Boston, Porter Sargent, 1980 , pp. 384

Barker, Colin, Festival of the Oppressed: Solidarity, Reform, and Revolution in Poland, 1980-81, London, Bookmarks, 1986 , pp. 192

and also his essay ‘Fear, Laughter, and Collective Power: The Making of Solidarity at the Lenin Shipyard in Gdansk, Poland, August 1980’, pp. 175-194, Jeff Goodwin, Francesca Polletta, James M. Jasper, Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements (A. 6. Nonviolent Action and Social Movements) .

Cristalis, Irena, Bitter Dawn: East Timor – A People’s History, 2002 London, Zed Books, 2009 , pp. 384

Beltran, Elizabeth, Water, Privatization and Conflict: Women from the Cochabamba Valley, Berlin, Heinrich Böll Foundation, 2004 , pp. 48

Starr, Stephen, Revolt in Syria: Eye-Witness to the Uprising, New York and London, Columbia University Press and Hurst, 2012 , pp. 232

Apter, David; Sawa, Nagayo, Against the State: Politics and Social Protest in Japan, Cambridge MA, Harvard University Press, 1984 , pp. 271

Analysis of major campaign by agricultural community against loss of land for Narita airport.

Polito, Pietro, Elogio Dell’Obiezione Di Coscienza, Miano, Edizioni Biblion, 2013 , pp. 178

In this book, Polito analyses the philosophical conceptualisation of ‘conscience’, central to the elaboration of the ethical and moral tenets of the practice of objection to military service. Polito pays tribute to the most famous conscientious objectors who shaped the history of the Italian Republic and promoted nonviolent theory and techniques, such as Aldo Capitini – anti-fascist Italian political philosopher; Ada Gobetti – anti-fascist jourbalist; Norberto Bobbio – Italian philosopher, Sereno Regis – peace activist; Danilo Dolci – peace activist; Lorenzo Milani – priest and educator; Rodolfo Venditti – Italian judge and conscientious objection supporter; Goffredo Fofi- Italian author, and literature, drama and movie critic; and Pietro Pinna – Italian nonviolent activist. The book provides a refutation of the belief in the necessity of violence embedded in politics - even where it may seem justified as in preventive wars and humanitarian intervention.  Polito also argues that violence is at the root of the economic and financial global system that is becoming profoundly detrimental to the environment.

Bundela, Sanjay, The Role and Impact of NGOs in non-violent protest against Women Harassment in India, 2017 , pp. 117-121

This work examines the role of NGOs in protest against violence and harassment against women. The aim is to show that women are not just victims, but also rational actors, and to inspire courageous and nonviolent responses to harassment.

Garcia, Isabel, Violence Against Women In Politics: Research On Political Parties In Honduras, Washington, D.C., National Democratic Institute (NDI), 2017 , pp. 52

This report focuses on “all forms of aggression, coercion and intimidation against women as political actors simply because they are women. These acts – whether directed at women as civic leader, voters, political party members, candidates, elected representatives or appointed officials – are designed to restrict the political participation of women as a group. This violence reinforces traditional stereotypes and roles given to women, using domination and control to exclude women from politics”, as defined by the NDI.

May, Todd, Nonviolent Resistance: A Philosophical Introduction, Cambridge, Polity Press , 2014 , pp. 200

May, a philosopher who has taken part in nonviolent resistance, explores both the dynamics of different types of nonviolent action O (such as moral ju-jitsu and nonviolent coercion) drawing on historical and contemporary campaigns. He then considers the values inherent in nonviolent action, such as respect for dignity, and discusses the role of nonviolent action today.

Colson, Elizabeth, The Social Consequences of Resettlement: The Impact of the Kariba Resettlement Upon the Gwembo Tonga, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1971 , pp. 288

The mass displacement caused by the Kariba Dam was a central issue for the pro-independence movement, despite the problems of organising resistance in the affected areas. Pioneer study of what is now called ‘development-induced displacement’.

Binnendijk, Anika; Marovic, Ivan, Power and persuasion: Nonviolent strategies to influence state security forces in Serbia (2000) and Ukraine (2004), 39 3 (Special Issue ‘Democratic Revolutions in Post-Communist States’, ed. Taras Kuzio) 2006 , pp. 411-429

Describes explicit strategies developed in both Serbia and Ukraine to increase costs of repression and reduce the willingness of the security forces to resort to violence. By combining deterrence and persuasion the organisers were able to avert major repression in 2000 and 2004.

Edozie, Rita, People Power and Democracy: The Popular Movement Against Military Despotism in Nigeria 1989-1999, Trenton NJ, Africa World Press, 2002 , pp. 205

Analyses critically the roles of several national pro-democracy groups in the 1990s, and their attempts to mobilize civil society to resist. Compares their strategies and activities and their role in promoting a democratic transition.

Pongsudhirak, Thitinan, Thailand since the Coup, 19 4 (October) 2008 , pp. 140-153

Kurzman, Charles, The Unthinkable Revolution in Iran, 1977-1979, Cambridge MA, Harvard University Press, 2004 , pp. 304

Contends that the revolution was truly unpredictable by critiquing five sets of retrospective ‘explanations’. Includes essay on available source material.

Lipsky, Michael, Protest in City Politics: Rent Strikes, Housing and the Power of the Poor, Chicago, Rand McNally, 1970 , pp. 214

, Out of the Mainstream: Water Rights, Politics and Identity, ed. Boelens, Rutgerd; Getches, David; Gil, Armando, New York, Routledge, 2011 , pp. 384

Compares struggles over water in Andean communities of Peru, Chile, Ecuador and Bolivia and Native American communities in S .W. USA, noting the combined goals of cultural justice and socio-economic justice.

 

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