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Singh, Navsharan, Holding Out for the Harvest, Nov-Dec , , pp. 28-31

This article explains the new laws which are the focus of the farmers' protest, describes the initial protest journey to Delhi and explains the spirit and organization of the protests and the building of solidarity with other groups, for example by celebrating International Women's Day and May Day to link with women’s and workers' struggles. Singh then engages in an analysis of 'disaster capitalism' including the revision of the labour laws. It concludes that the farmers' movement has become a struggle for 'a more just future for India's dispossessed'.

Lakhani, Nina, Who Killed Berta Caceres? Dams, Death Squads and an Indigenous Defender's Battle for the Planet, London, Verso, 2020 , pp. 336 pb

Journalist Nina Lakhani draws on numerous interviews, including with Caceras herself, legal files and corporate records to recount the years of environmental protest by this indigenous Honduran activist, who received the Goldman Prize in 2015 for her successful campaign to halt the hydroelectric dam being built on a river sacred to her people, and was assassinated in 2016. She had been under threat for years, and many colleagues had been killed or forced into exile. Lakhani attended the trial of Caceres' killers in 2018, when employees of the dam Company and state security were implicated in the murder by hired gunmen. But the trial failed to reveal who had ordered and paid for the assassination.

Galleotti, Mark, The Vory: Russia's Super Mafia, New Haven, Connecticut, Yale University Press, 2018 , pp. 344

Galleotti, a Russian expert at the Institute of International Relations in Prague, explores how the Russian underworld has evolved under Putin, and how the regime has both exerted control over it and also used it for semi-covert operations, which the government can distance itself from in public. Although the underworld can be used when violence and ruthlessness are required, Galleotti stresses that many criminals now have sophisticated financial and technological skills. 

Chatfield, Charles, The Americanisation of Gandhi: Images of the Mahatma, New York, Garland, 1976 , pp. 802

Garton Ash, Timothy, The Polish Revolution: Solidarity 1980-82, London, Jonathan Cape, 1983 , pp. 386

Highly regarded first hand analysis by scholar of Central Europe and commentator on other civil resistance struggles.

, The 1998 Parliamentary Election and Democratic Rebirth in Slovakia, ed. Fisher, Sharon; Butora, Martin; Butrova, Zora; Meseznikov, Grigorij, Bratislava, Institue for Public Affairs, 1999 , pp. 215

Written by protagonists and supporters of the anti-Meciar campaign. Chapters on mobilization of trade unions, Slovak churches and other civil society bodies to turn out the vote for the anti-Meciar coalition, especially among the young (10% of the electorate were first time voters).

See also: Martin Butora, Zora Butrova, Slovakia’s Democratic Awakening, 1999 , pp. 80-93 ; and Martin Butora, OK’98: A Campaign of Slovak NGOs for Free and Fair Elections, In Joerg Forbrig, Pavol Demes, Reclaiming Democracy: Civil Society and Electoral Change in Central and Eastern Europe (D. II.1. Comparative Assessments) Washington DC, German Marshall Fund of USA, 2007 , pp. 21-52 . Butora was a founder member of Public Against Violence and a former Slovak ambassador to the USA.

Martin, Brian; Hess, David, Repression, backfire and the theory of transformative events, 11 1 (June) 2006 , pp. 249-267

, Dignity and Defiance: Stories from Bolivia’s Challenge to Globalization, ed. Shultz, Jim; Draper, Melissa, Berkeley CA, University of California Press, 2009 , pp. 352

Alwadi, Nada, Voices of Syrian women in civil resistance, London, OpenDemocracy.net, 2013

Taylor, Julie, Leveraging the Global to Empower Local Struggles: Resistance and Efficacy in Transnational Feminist Networks, 1 2 (Nov) 2005 , pp. 102-117

Three case studies of networks based in Latin America and Caribbean supporting garment workers (the Maquilla network created 1996) and domestic workers in Trinidad and Tobago; and promoting women’s health in rural and urban Brazil.

Graff, Agnieszka, A Different Chronology: Reflections on Feminism in Contemporary Poland, In Stacy Gillis, Gillian Howie, Rebecca Munford, Third Wave Feminism: A Critical Exploration (F.4.a. The Third Wave of the 1990s-2000s) New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2007 , pp. 142-165

Argues ‘wave’ chronology does not apply to Poland.

Evans, Gwynfor, For the Sake of Wales: The Memoirs of Gwynfor Evans, 1986 Caernarfon, Welsh Academic Press, 2001 , pp. 281

Memoirs of this key figure in the nationalist movement and committed advocate of nonviolence.

Morán-Breña, Carmen, Spanish #MeToo movement demands justice for victims of sexual abuse, , pp. smaller than 0

The anti-sexual harassment group Pandora's Box, composed of 3,000 women  involved in the arts, called for institutional protection against harassment and demanded allegations should not be ignored. The appeal was part of a campaign to support the dancer Carmen Tome, who had accused a curator at a cultural centre in Alicante of groping her. The group was still organising itself and considering both educational and legal means of preventing gender violence.

Hasunuma, Linda; Shin, Ki-young, MeToo in Japan and South Korea: #WeToo, #WithYou, 40 1 2019 , pp. 97-111

This article compares the impact of the #MeToo movement in South Korea and Japan. In South Korea, #MeToo inspired many women to go public with their accusations in numerous high-profile cases. Those accusations in turn inspired mass demonstrations and demands for legal reform. In South Korea, the movement also led to policy proposals and the revision of laws on sexual harassment and gender-based violence. In Japan, however, the movement has grown more slowly. Fewer women made public accusations, and if they did, they tended to remain anonymous. The movement has been limited to a small number of cases leading to a professional network to support women journalists. The authors argue that the different outcomes can be explained by the strength of women’s engagement in civil society and the nature of the media coverage in each case. In both countries, however, women continue to face a powerful backlash that includes victim-blaming and social and professional sanctions for speaking up.

Spirova, Maria, The Bulgarian Socialist Party: The Long Road to Europe, 41 4 2008 , pp. 481-495

Examines how the BSP changed from a Marxist party in the 1980s, arguing that it only altered significantly after being defeated in the 1997 elections, when  it began to adopt new economic and foreign policies which made accession to the EU possible. The author also discusses the role of socialist parties in Western Europe in promoting this change.

Macpherson, Fergus, Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia: The Times and the Man, Lusaka, Oxford University Press, 1974 , pp. 478

Bunce, Valerie; Wolchik, Sharon, Postcommunist Ambiguities, 20 3 (July) 2009 , pp. 93-107

Discusses why since 1996 some authoritarian rulers have been ousted but in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Belarus opposition failed (in two successive elections in each case).

Osaghae, Eghosa, Crippled Giant: Nigeria Since Independence, London, Hurst, 1998 , pp. 342

McDonald, Robert, The Greek Press under the Colonels, 3 4 1974 , pp. 27-44

Bhan, Gautam; Menon-Sen, Kalyani, Swept Off the Map: Surviving Eviction and Resettlement in Delhi, New Delhi, Yoda Press, 2008

Branagan, Marty, Global Warming, Militarism and Nonviolence: The Art of Active Resistance, Basingstoke, Palgrave, 2013 , pp. 272

Explores high carbon footprint of military defence, argues for an alternative nonviolent defence, and advocates ‘active resistance’ of kind pioneered by Australian environmentalists.

Thich Nhat Hahn, , Lotus in a Sea of Fire, New York, Hill and Wang, 1967 , pp. 128

Well known theorist of nonviolence puts the Buddhist case.

Lucas, Ian, OutRage! An Oral History, London, Continuum, 1998 , pp. 256

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