No name

You can filter the displayed publications by language
Fuhrmann, Matthew, A Tale of Two Social Capitals: Revolutionary Collective Action in Kyrgyzstan, 53 6 2007 , pp. 16-29

Lintner, Bertil, Outrage: Burma’s Struggle for Democracy, 1989 London and Bangkok, White Lotus, 1990 , pp. 208

Covers the 1988 mass unarmed resistance and its suppression.
Dinerstein, Ana, Workers’ factory takeovers and new state policies in Argentina: towards an “institutionalisation” of non-governmental public action?, 35 3 2007 , pp. 529-550

, Nonviolent Resistance in the Second Intifada: Activism and Advocacy, ed. Carter Hallward, Maia; Norman, Julie, New York, Palgrave MacMillan, 2012 , pp. 196

Vergara-Camus, Leandro, The Legacy of Social Conflicts over Property Rights in Rural Brazil and Mexico: Current Land Struggles in Historical Perspective, 39 5 2012 , pp. 1133-1158

Gelb, Joyce, Feminism and Political Action, In Russel J. Dalton, Manfred Kuechler, Challenging the Political Order: New Social and Political Movements in Western Democracies, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1990 , pp. 344 , pp. 137-156

Comparing the US, British and Swedish movements.
, The State of India's Democracy, ed. Diamond, Larry; Plattner, Marc; Ganguly, Sumit, Baltimore MD, John Hopkins University Press, 2007 , pp. 264

Eltahawy, Mona, Headscarves And Hymens. Why The Middle East Needs A Sexual Revolution, London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 2015 , pp. 256

Human rights activist and journalist, Mona Eltahawy, contextualizes Middle Eastern women’s repression in a net of political, cultural and religious forces that undermine the possibility of a new Arab Spring emerging as an organic revolutionary process for the upholding of human rights in the MENA region.
Toupin, Louise, Wages for Housework: A History of an International Feminist Movement, 1972-77, London, Pluto Press , 2018 , pp. 336

Toupin, who is Canadian, writes initially from that perspective in her history of a feminist campaign that started from the reality that a majority of women worked unpaid in the home. Wages for Housework asserted that domestic work and child rearing and caring for the elderly did have specific economic value. The aim was partly to make women's contribution to society visible and also to increase the independence of housewives - and the campaign mobilized to prevent cuts to family allowances in Canada and the UK, a financial source controlled by women. Wages for Housework ran counter, however, to the predominant feminist pressure to open up job opportunities for all women, and take them out of the home. The book includes an 'Afterword' on the current situation, in which care and domestic work is often outsourced to migrant workers.
Rupinder, Mangat; Dalby, Simon; Paterson, Matthew, Divestment discourse: war, justice, morality and money, 27 2 2018 , pp. 187-206

The authors focus on the ‘discourse’ used in North America to promote disinvestment in fossil fuels, based on statements by activists, mainstream media reports on campaigns and coverage in alternative media. They argue that there are four overlapping narratives. The first ‘of war and enemies’, with fossil fuel companies as the enemies, is most dominant. The others are: ‘morality, economics and justice’.
Burgmann, Verity, Power, Profit and Protest: Australian Social Movements and Globalization, Crows Nest NSW, Allen and Unwin, 2003 , pp. 393

O'Brien, Kevin; Li, Lianjiang, Rightful Resistance in Rural China, Cambridge and New York, Cambridge University Press, 2006 , pp. 201

Based on fieldwork since 1994 on local instances of rights-based opposition. Chapter 4, ‘Tactical Escalation’, pp. 67-94, is especially rich in examples
Conway, Daniel, Masculinities, Militarisation and the End Conscription Campaign: War Resistance in Apartheid South Africa, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2012 , pp. 176

See also Daniel Conway, Contesting the Masculine State: White Male War Resisters in Apartheid South Africa, In Jane L. Parpart, Marysia Zalewski, Rethinking the Man Question: Sex, Gender and Violence in International Relations, London, Zed Books, 2008 , pp. 240 , pp. 127-142 .
Liwag-Kotte, Emmalya, People Power in the Philippines: Civil Society between Protest and Participation, 6 (Nov/Dec) 2001 , pp. 21-22

Arrarte, Edison, Refusal to Participate in Torture, In Merja Pentikainen, The Right to Refuse Military Orders, Geneva, International Peace Bureau, 1994 , pp. 42-45

Arrarte is the most famous of the Uruguayan soldiers who refused to torture, and served a total of 10 years in prison for his conscience. After the dictatorship, he went on to become a general and an active member of Amnesty International.
Galleotti, Mark, The Vory: Russia's Super Mafia, New Haven, Connecticut, Yale University Press, 2018 , pp. 344

Galleotti, a Russian expert at the Institute of International Relations in Prague, explores how the Russian underworld has evolved under Putin, and how the regime has both exerted control over it and also used it for semi-covert operations, which the government can distance itself from in public. Although the underworld can be used when violence and ruthlessness are required, Galleotti stresses that many criminals now have sophisticated financial and technological skills. 
Chatfield, Charles, The Americanisation of Gandhi: Images of the Mahatma, New York, Garland, 1976 , pp. 802

Garton Ash, Timothy, The Polish Revolution: Solidarity 1980-82, London, Jonathan Cape, 1983 , pp. 386

Highly regarded first hand analysis by scholar of Central Europe and commentator on other civil resistance struggles.
, The 1998 Parliamentary Election and Democratic Rebirth in Slovakia, ed. Fisher, Sharon; Butora, Martin; Butrova, Zora; Meseznikov, Grigorij, Bratislava, Institue for Public Affairs, 1999 , pp. 215

Written by protagonists and supporters of the anti-Meciar campaign. Chapters on mobilization of trade unions, Slovak churches and other civil society bodies to turn out the vote for the anti-Meciar coalition, especially among the young (10% of the electorate were first time voters).

See also: Martin Butora, Zora Butrova, Slovakia’s Democratic Awakening, 1999 , pp. 80-93 ; and Martin Butora, OK’98: A Campaign of Slovak NGOs for Free and Fair Elections, In Joerg Forbrig, Pavol Demes, Reclaiming Democracy: Civil Society and Electoral Change in Central and Eastern Europe (D. II.1. Comparative Assessments) Washington DC, German Marshall Fund of USA, 2007 , pp. 21-52 . Butora was a founder member of Public Against Violence and a former Slovak ambassador to the USA.
Martin, Brian; Hess, David, Repression, backfire and the theory of transformative events, 11 1 (June) 2006 , pp. 249-267

, Dignity and Defiance: Stories from Bolivia’s Challenge to Globalization, ed. Shultz, Jim; Draper, Melissa, Berkeley CA, University of California Press, 2009 , pp. 352

Alwadi, Nada, Voices of Syrian women in civil resistance, London, OpenDemocracy.net, 2013

Taylor, Julie, Leveraging the Global to Empower Local Struggles: Resistance and Efficacy in Transnational Feminist Networks, 1 2 (Nov) 2005 , pp. 102-117

Three case studies of networks based in Latin America and Caribbean supporting garment workers (the Maquilla network created 1996) and domestic workers in Trinidad and Tobago; and promoting women’s health in rural and urban Brazil.
Welsh, Ian; McLeish, Phil, The European Road to Nowhere: Anarchism and Direct Action against the UK Roads Programme, 4 1 1996 , pp. 27-44

Graff, Agnieszka, A Different Chronology: Reflections on Feminism in Contemporary Poland, In Stacy Gillis, Gillian Howie, Rebecca Munford, Third Wave Feminism: A Critical Exploration (F.4.a. The Third Wave of the 1990s-2000s) New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2007 , pp. 142-165

Argues ‘wave’ chronology does not apply to Poland.

Pages