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Komhiya, A., Britain: Section 28, In James Thomas Sears, Youth, Education, and Sexualities: An International Encyclopedia, Volume I, A-J, Westport CT, Greenwood Press, 2005 , pp. 520 pp. smaller than 0

Akuno, Kali, Pillars of Change, Feb/Mar 2018 , , pp. 34-35

Describes the movement behind the 2017 election (by 93 per cent of the vote) of Chokwe Antar Lumumba as Mayor of Jackson, Mississippi.  He is committed to implement the 'Jackson Plan' for participatory democracy, promotion of public services and a local economy based on cooperatives and other forms of popular organization.  The Plan, which is promoted by the Jackson People's Assembly and the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement (MXGM), represents the kind of participatory local initiatives envisaged in the Black Lives Matter 2016 Platform.  A longer version of this article is available in Akuno, Kali and Ajamu Nangwaya, Jackson Rising: The Struggle for Economic Democracy and Black Self-Determination, Daraja Press, 2017, and at: www.mxgm.org

Child, David; Soares, Joao, Brazil: Thousands of women rally against far-right Bolsonaro, , pp. smaller than 0

Describes the #EleNao (‘Not Him’) demonstrations led by women in Brazil against sexist statements made by President Jair Bolsonaro, sparked by his remark to 63-year-old  fellow congresswomen, Maria do Rosario: "I would never rape you because you do not deserve it". These remonstrations have been connected also to the lack of political representation of women within the Brazilian Parliament. Despite making up 52 percent of Brazil's electorate, women hold just 13 of 81 seats in the country's upper house senate.  Fewer than 11 percent of the 513 seats in the lower house Chamber of Deputies are held by women.

See also https://thetempest.co/2019/01/18/news/meet-the-powerhouse-women-leading-brazils-new-era-of-feminist-activism/

Sémelin, Jaques, Freedom Over the Airwaves: From the Czech Coup to the Fall of the Berlin Wall, Washington, D.C., International Center on Nonviolent Conflict, 2017 , pp. 312 (pb)

Eminent French historian and theorist of nonviolent resistance explores the links  between media of communication and nonviolent campaigns, focusing on key examples of resistance in Communist Eastern Europe from 1948-1989.

Angel, James, Energy Democracy in UK and Spain: from ideas to practice, Brussels, Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung Buro, 2016

Report on a workshop organized by Global Justice Now, Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung Brussels Office and the Transnational Institute to develop the concept of 'energy democracy' agreed by the German climate justice movement at the 2012 Climate Camp in Lausitz. The aim is to ensure access for all to non-polluting energy, entailing an end to fossil fuel us e, democratizing the means of production and rethinking energy consumption.  The workshop noted that since 2012 many communal, municipal, worker and movement initiatives were making the concept a reality: for example in Bristol in S.W. England, with a co-operatively owned solar generation project and a new publicly owned municipal supply company

See also: 'Just Transition and Energy Democracy: a civil service trade union perspective, PCS pamphlet, adopted at PCS conference May 2017. (It was also being promoted in translation by the Portuguese Climate Jobs campaign.)

Argues for public ownership and democratic control of energy supplies, and for the creation of a National Climate Service (proposed by the One Million Climate Jobs campaign, launched by the Campaign Against Climate Change Trade Union Group (CACCTU).

See also:

Greener Jobs Alliance: www.greenerjobsalliance.co.uk;

Trade Unions for Energy Democracy (TUED) a global trade union community for energy democracy coordinated in New York in cooperation with the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, New York office.

https://energydemocracy.us/

Vock, Ido, Newsmaker: Svetlana Tikhanovskya and the Battle for Belarus, 26 November-2 December 2021 , , pp. 9-10

This article, incorporating an interview with Tikhanovskya, the leader of the opposition to the Lukashenko regime in exile, provides a useful summary of the resistance to the rigged election in 2020 and the subsequent repression. Vock notes the ruthlessness of Lukashenko against the opposition internally and those in exile in EU countries, and his unscrupulous use of refugees from  the Middle East  to challenge the Polish/EU borders. He also indicates that the Belarus opposition, which initially did not challenge ties to Russia, has become explicitly hostile to Putin's backing for Lukashenko and more dependent on EU and western support. Vok also reports that a leaked poll from inside Belarus indicates that although Tikhanovskya has significant support, two of the jailed opponents of the regime, Babaryko and Kolesnikova, are more highly regarded. 

Meier, August; Rudwick, Elliot, CORE: A Study on the Civil Rights Movement 1942-1968, 1973 Urbana IL, Illini Books, 1975 , pp. 563

Extensive analysis of rise and fall of CORE drawing on interviews with key members and CORE archives. Covers the 1960 sit-ins, 1961 Freedom Ride, mass campaigns in 1963 to desegregate Southern cities, and the impact of black power ideology.

Opp, Karl-Dieter; Voss, Peter, Origins of a Spontaneous Revolution: East Germany 1989, Ann Arbor MI, University of Michigan Press, 1995 , pp. 280

Study based on fieldwork interviewing various actors.

Callinicos, Alex; Rogers, John, Southern Africa after Soweto, London, Pluto Press, 1978 , pp. 246

Includes critical assessment of the 1960s campaigns and examination of trade union action in the 1970s.

Forsyth, Robert, The case against UK Trident, 140 , pp. smaller than 0

Retired Commander Robert Forsyth, Executive Officer of the Polaris Missile Submarine HMS Repulse in 1970s, makes a compelling case why the UK should dismantle its Trident.

Porvan, Lucy; Rowsome, Alice, Mothers of the Revolution, , , pp. 65-71

Provides an overview of the Sudanese revolution and developments in 2020, but also illustrates the great variety of women involved in the protests and their different styles of politics (political parties, unionism, resistance committees, climate activism) through brief biographical sketches. The authors also interviewed a Nubian woman who had sent evidence of war crimes to Amnesty International and the International Criminal Court and a mechanic who finds protection in wearing men’s clothing.

Burrett, Tina, Not Toeing the Kremlin's Line, , , pp. 44-46

This article focuses particularly on the growing role by 2019-21 of independent regional news media prepared to report corruption, uphold the right to independent comment and to explore taboo topics like Stalinist labour camps. These regional media (often online) give a voice to individual bloggers and have underpinned political, economic and environmental protests at a regional and local level throughout Russia. Burrell also discusses the attempts by the regime to suppress these channels through tightening its 'Fake News' law and classifying independent journalists as 'foreign agents', but notes the solidarity between regional media.

Skocpol, Theda, Rentier state and Shi’a Islam in the Iranian Revolution, 11 3 1982 , pp. 265-283

Skopcol is well known for her theoretical contribution to the theory of revolution, stressing the role of the state (States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia and China, Cambridge University Press, 1979), here she applies her framework to the Iranian Revolution of 1977-79.

Maliqi, Shkelzen, Kosova: Separate Worlds: Reflections and Analysis, Peja/Pec, Dukagjini, 1998 , pp. 261

Ganev, Venelin, Bulgaria’s Symphony of Hope, 8 4 (October) 1997 , pp. 125-139

Maclean, Sandra, Mugabe at war: The political economy of conflict in Zimbabwe, 23 3 (June) 2002 , pp. 513-528

Examines deterioration of governance in Zimbabwe since independence and the effectiveness of opposition since 2001.

Tritto, Vigliamo, The Working Class Dimension of “1968”, In Gerd-Rainer Horn, The Spirit of ‘68: Rebellion in Western Europe and North America, 1956-1976, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2007 , pp. 264 pp. smaller than 0

Tritto’s comparative chapter on worker protest starts with the important 1962 strike by the Asturian miners.

Branford, Sue; Rocha, Jan, Cutting the Wire, London, Latin American Bureau, 2002 , pp. 305

Well researched account of MST.

Sémelin, Jaques, La Non-violence Expliquée A Mes Filles, Paris, Le Seuil, 2000 , pp. 57

Short manual on civil education on nonviolence in simple terms, in the form of a dialogue with the author’s pre-teenage daughters. It has been translateed in English, Spanish, Italian, Portuguese, Catalan, Japanese, Hebrew and   Indonesian

Kendra, Doty, "Girl Riot, Not Gonna Be Quiet”––Riot Grrrl, #MeToo, and the Possibility of Blowing the Whistle on Sexual Harassment, 31 1 2020 , pp. 41-68

This article makes comparisons between the pre-digital ‘Riot Girl’ movement of the 1990s, which developed out of feminist punk rock bands in the US, and MeToo. Both have named perpetrators of sexual violence, warned others about predators, and offered support to survivors. But those naming perpetrators have become much more liable to retaliation in the digital age. The author argues that the complex body of law related to whistleblowing provides a framework for MeToo accusers to express their anger and frustration, as the Riot Girl did.

, Indigenous Activists Keep Carbon Below Ground, May-June 2020 , , pp. 51-50

Brief account celebrating victory after years of campaigning by Indigenous Climate Action against Teck Resources, the company pressing for permission to build the tar sands Frontier Mine in Canada, which would have produced 3.2 billion barrels of oil over 40 years. Teck withdrew early in 2020, after 12 years of lobbying (indigenousclimateaction.com). The journal also reports very briefly that the Great Australian Bight Alliance, led by Aboriginal elders and local activists has in succession prevented Chevron, BP and (most recently) Equinor to abandon plans to drill for oil in the Bight (fightforthebight.org.au.)

Hamouchene, Hamza, The People Want Independence!, , pp. smaller than 0

The author notes that Covid brought a halt in March 2020 to the weekly Friday demonstrations since February 2019, and the parallel student protests every Tuesday. She notes the Hirak's achievements: forcing the Military High Command to distance itself from Boutifleka's political power centre and preventing presidential elections in both April and July 2019, because they were seen as a means to provide legitimacy for military control. The article also comments on the very broad social base of the movement, primarily led by the young, but including 'the working poor', independent trade unions, professional bodies and a prominent role for women.  It then assesses the 'counter-revolution' involving repression of the media and arrests of activists.

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