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Jones, Stephen, The Rose Revolution: A Revolution without Revolutionaries?, 9 1 2006 , pp. 33-48

Argues that the role of civil society bodies was important, but not vital. He suggests that key factors were popular attitudes to the ideal of Europe, the impact of the global economy, the appeal of western models and the implications of the soviet legacy. See also Stephen Jones, Georgia’s ‘Rose Revolution’ of 2003: Enforcing Peaceful Change, In Timothy Garton Ash, Adam Roberts, Civil Resistance and Power Politics: The Experience of Non-violent Action from Gandhi to the Present (A. 1.b. Strategic Theory, Dynamics, Methods and Movements) New York, Oxford University Press, 2009 , pp. 317-334 .

Red Pepper, , African Awakenings, Dec/Jan 2012 , pp. 27-32

with articles by Firoze Manji, ‘Hope for the Future’; Justin Pearce, ‘Aspiring to Tahrir’ and Tommy Miles ‘After Gaddafi’.

Fisher, Jo, Mothers of the Disappeared, London, Zed Books, 1989 , pp. 168

Rigby, Andrew, Living the Intifada, London, Zed Books, 1991 , pp. 233

Account of the ‘unarmed resistance’ of the First Intifada and also an analysis in the context of theories of nonviolent action. Addresses the issue of leverage when the regime has no direct dependence on a population but would rather expel them. See also: Andrew Rigby, The Legacy of the Past: The Problem of Collaborators and the Palestinian Case, Jerusalem, PASSIA – Palestine Academy for Study of International Affairs, 1997 , pp. 94 , which considers the issue of ‘collaboration’ in more detail.

Walter, Emily, From Disobedience to Obedient Consumerism: Influences of Market-based Activism and Eco-Certification on Forest Governance, 14 2-3 2003 , pp. 531-536

Reports on anti-logging campaign in British Columbia, Canada, in 1980s and 1990s and discusses shift from pressurizing state to directly confronting lumber camps. Critiques approach leading to establishment of global regulatory body, the Forest Security Council, but supports offering ‘carrot’ of ‘certification’ in combination with ‘stick’ of campaigning for a boycott.

Bouchier, David, The Feminist Challenge: The Movement for Women’s Liberation in Britain and the USA, London, Macmillan, 1983 , pp. 252

Traces the course of the feminist movement from its beginnings at a meeting in Seneca Falls, USA, in 1848, through the campaign for voting rights in the early 20th century to the emergence of radical feminism in the 1960s and 1970s.

Bala, Sruti, "Unsere Waffe ist die Beharrilichkeit": Auftreten, Konzept und Aktivaeten der gewaltfreien Paschtunischen Armee der Khadi Khidmatgar (1929-1948), In R. Steinweg, U. Laubenthal, Gewaltfrei Aktion - Erfahrungen und Analysen, Frankfurt am Main, Brandes & Aspel, 2011 2011 , pp. 119-125

Sruti Bala comes from the state of Tamil Nadu in southern India.  In her dissertation on nonviolent protest she discusses some significant elements of nonviolent resistance such  as 'action', 'play' and display'.  She also tries to define certain consequences of nonviolent protest for political identity.  Finally, these conclusions are related to the ideas of Gandhi and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (the 'Frontier Gandhi').

Blain, Keisha, Set the World On Fire. Black Nationalist Women And The Global Struggle For Freedom, Philadelphia, Philadelphia University Press, 2019 , pp. 264

Blain traces the vital role women played in shaping Black nationalist politics between the 1920s and 1960s. It is addressed to anyone wanting to better understand the history of race, empire, and imperialism in the twentieth century.

See also https://www.aaihs.org/feminism-gender-politics-and-black-nationalist-women/; https://africanarguments.org/2017/03/08/how-african-feminism-changed-the-world/;

https://iycoalition.org/what-is-african-feminism-an-introduction/; https://thedailyaztec.com/90741/opinion/african-feminism-is-on-the-rise/ and https://www.msafropolitan.com/2017/12/what-is-african-feminism-actually.html

Baird, Vanessa, Virginia Pinares, , , pp. 61-62

Interview with indigenous human rights defender, Virginia Pinares, from Peru, who came to London to represent communities in the Andes actively resisting - for example by blockades - mining for copper concentrates and molybdenum, which is controlled by the Chinese company MMG. Pinares argues that her community is not against all mining, but against the environmentally reckless way operations are conducted and the minerals transported, and they also demand a stop to the violence used against environmental and human rights activists.  She stressed the need for environmentally protected zones, which could be used f or sustainable tourism. 

Willett, Graham, Living Out Loud: A History of Gay and Lesbian Activism in Australia, St Leonards NSW, Allen and Unwin, 2000 , pp. 320

Account of gay and lesbian activism in Australia, from 1950s to 1990s, its successes and contribution to Australian society.

O Connor, Fionnuala, Community politics in Northern Ireland, In Michael Randle, Challenge to Nonviolence (A. 1.b. Strategic Theory, Dynamics, Methods and Movements) Bradford, Department of Peace Studies, University of Bradford, 2002 , pp. 207-222

Text of a talk given in June 1997 to the Nonviolent Research Project at Bradford University.. Discusses the development of community level political engagement and the vision of Ciaron McKeown of the Peace People that it could someday provide an alternative to the existing political system. She argues that Community politics up to that time (1997) was more developed in the Catholic/Nationalist community than in that of the Protestant/Unionist one but there too it had emerged in the previous five years or so. Former members of paramilitary groups were frequently involved because they had come to see the futility of the violence or because they wanted their own children to have a different life to the one they had experienced.

Briggs, Laura, How All Politics Became Reproductive Politics: From Welfare Reform to Foreclosure to Trump, 2 Oakland, CA, University of California Press, 2017 , pp. 304

Feminist critic Laura Briggs argues that all politics in the U.S. are effectively reproductive politics. She outlines how politicians’ racist accounts of reproduction — stories of Black “welfare queens” and Latina “breeding machines" — encouraged the government and business disinvestment in families. With decreasing wages, the rise in temporary work and no resources for family care, US households have grown increasingly precarious over the past forty years in race-and class-stratified ways. This crisis, Briggs argues, fuels all others, such as immigration, gay marriage, anti-feminism, the rise of the Tea Party, and the election of Trump.

These two volumes form the book series Solinger, Rickie, Khiara M. Bridges, Zakiya Luna and Ruby Tapia (eds.) Reproductive Justice: A New Vision For The Twenty First Century, Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 

Pandiri, Ananda, A Comprehensive, Annotated Bibliography on Mahatma Gandhi, 2 Westport CT, Greenwood Press, 2007 , pp. 653

, Democracy and Civil Society in Eastern Europe, ed. Lewis, Paul, Basingstoke and New York, Macmillan and St. Martin's Press, 1992 , pp. 179

Mostly about prospects for civil society in post-communist context, but drawing on theory and practice of 1980s. Includes a chapter on the movement in Slovenia that led to it breaking away from Yugoslavia.

Belcevic, Nenad; Nenadic, Danijela, Serbia – Nonviolent struggle for democracy: The role of Otpor, In Howard Clark, People Power: Unarmed Resistance and Global Solidarity (A. 1.b. Strategic Theory, Dynamics, Methods and Movements) London, Pluto Press, 2009 , pp. 26-35

Former Otpor activists assess its role and criticism made of the group. Accompanied by critical reflections on ‘Serbia eight years after’ by Ivana Franovic (pp. 35-38).

, The Fall of Soeharto, ed. Forrester, Geoff; May, R.J., London, Hurst, 1998 , pp. 261

Produced by Australian National University Research Unit. Examines how and why Suharto was forced to step down.

See also Terence Lee, Military Cohesion and Regime Maintenance : Explaining the Role of the Military in 1989 China and 1998 Indonesia (C. II.1.c. Tiananmen, The Mass Protests of 1989) and Terence Lee, The Armed Forces and Transitions from Authoritarian Rule (E. II.8.a. Resisting Marcos, 1983-86) .

Crabtree, John, Patterns of Protest: Politics and Social Movements in Bolivia, London, Latin America Bureau, 2003 , pp. 117

Covers other protests over land, water and coca, but the final chapter ‘El Alto and the Gas Wars’ describes and analyses 2003, including brief discussion of women’s organizations and the role of radio.

, Mobilization, ed. Mobilization, , 17 4 (December) 2012 pp. smaller than 0

contains an overview by Charles Kurzman. ‘The Arab Spring Uncoiled’, and articles on Egypt, Iran, and Syria.

Siggins, Lorna, Once Upon a Time in the West: The Corrib Gas Controversy, Dublin, Transworld, 2010 , pp. 448

Account by Irish Times reporter of the ‘Shell to Sea’ struggle and civil disobedience by locals in Rossport County Mayo against gas pipeline, but with emphasis on planning process and legal issues.

Mundey, Jack, Green Bans and Beyond, Sydney NSW, Angus and Robertson, 1981

, Feminisms and Women’s Contemporary Movements, ed. Bull, Anna; Diamond, Hanna; Marsh, Rosalind, London, Macmillan, 2000 , pp. 286

Covers Europe in the 1990s, including essays on ‘Theorizing Feminism in Postcommunism’, ‘Something Unnatural: Attitudes to Feminism in Russia’, ‘New Mothers’ Campaigning Organization in Russia’, ‘”Its about Helping women to Believe in Themselves”: Grassroots Women’s Organizations in Contemporary Russian Society’ and ‘Women’s Discordant Voices in the Context of the 1998 Elections in the Ukraine’.

Lavalette, Michael; Mooney, Gerry, The Poll Tax Struggle in Britain: A Reply to Hoggett and Burn, 12 (Jan.) 1993 , pp. 96-108

Zeng, Jing, #MeToo as Connective Action: A Study of the Anti-Sexual Violence and Anti-Sexual Harassment Campaign on Chinese Social Media in 2018, 14 2 2020 , pp. 171-190

This study of China’s #MeToo draws upon the theory of connective actions to investigate how digital technologies influence the way in which feminist activism takes place. The author analysed over 36,000 online articles related to the campaign, and found 48 cases of sexual violence and harassment allegations. Time series analysis show that China's #MeToo campaign first emerged within educational institutions before gradually spreading to other sectors of society. Studying the ten most controversial cases, this paper identifies a series of counter-censorship strategies. The study of how the #MeToo movement in China evolved within an authoritarian context shows how connective actions traverse various platforms and cultural contexts. Methodologically, this study demonstrates how both qualitative and quantitative methods can be used to study connective actions on social media in China.

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