Biblio

When They Call You A Terrorist is the story of Patrisse Khan-Cullors, one of the co-founders of the Black Lives Matter movement. It collects her reflections on humanity, on her life and activism since early age, her brother’s first-hand experience with police brutality, and on the founding of a movement for racial justice and its development during the Trump era.

An account of the possible development of the #MeToo movement from four different perspectives. It analyses the need to explore the nature and consequences of power as a primordial factor influencing response to sexual harassment; the work-based campaigns in Sweden; the development of the #MeToo movement in Hungary; and the varying nature of the movement in different parts of Europe with particular emphasis on the distinction between West and East.

Only 20 years since the concept of femicide became an issue in Latin America, following the notorious wave of unresolved killings of women in Ciudad Juárez in Mexico in the 1990s, Peru is also in the spotlight following a case of grave sexual assault against a 22 year old girl.

This project explores the discourse on abortion in the United States, examining the abortion clinic as a ‘space of interaction’ between the pro-choice and pro-life social movements. The author completed four months of participant observation in the fall of 2017 as a clinic escort at the Planned Parenthood clinic in Poughkeepsie, New York. She witnessed firsthand (and participated in) the interactions between the clinic escorts and the anti-abortion protestors who picketed the clinic each week. The study shows that, while the two sides of the debate adopt opposing ideologies, their ‘structure in this space’ does not actually look all that different.

Claudia Padrón Cueto comments on the absence of the crime of femicide in the Cuban Criminal Code, and on the lack of statistics and appropriate media reporting on the subject. She also recalls the protests in Argentina, Mexico, Chile and Brazil under the slogans #NoEstamosTodas (“We’re Not All Here”) #NiUnaMenos (“Not One Less”) and argues that the lack of demonstrations and feminist movements do negatively affect Cuban society. See also https://www.miamiherald.com/news/nation-world/world/americas/cuba/article211666429.html and https://www.univision.com/univision-news/latin-america/in-cuba-where-femicide-is-not-a-crime-the-country-grapples-with-gender-based-violence.

Starts with the example of an unidentified mutilated body of a girl in Gujarat, a victim of prolonged gang rape and assault, and discusses the impact of the unnaturally high proportion of men to women (largely due to illegal sex selection abortions) on the level of rape.  Since the widely publicised 2012 gang-rape and murder of a student in Delhi, statistic suggest a doubling of rapes of children, but Biswas cautions that better reporting of rapes by police and media, and a widening of the definition of rape, may partly account for the rise. 

Exposes the widespread phenomenon of Canadian universities censoring students who want to denounce episodes of sexual harassment. The article includes the report by OurTurn – a national, student-led action plan that aims to implement strategies to end sexual violence on campus, and sets out the policies survivors have to follow while filing a complaint. The National Our Turn Action Plan provides guidelines for student unions and groups to: prevent sexual violence and eliminate rape culture on Canadian campuses; support survivors and create a culture of survivor-centrism at Canadian institutions; and campaign for policy and legislative reforms at the campus, provincial and national levels.

Kumar discusses why the ‘first wave’ of the ‘Me Too’ movement in India in October 2017 was not very effective, but argues that the ‘second wave’ from Autumn 2018 has been better organised, provided better evidence of harassment and brought in more women. Therefore, there is now some hope that earlier 2013 legislation against sexual harassment in the workplace may be implemented in practice.

By drawing on the perspective of young activists, it provides insights about the importance of feminist analysis and the vote of young people in building an anti-nuclear movement. It also proposes various strategies for engaging the young. See also Fernando, Kris and Graham Vaughan (1992) ‘Young New Zealanders’ knowledge and concern about nuclear war’ in Interdisciplinary Peace Research, Vol. 4, issue 2, pp. 31-57. DOI: 10.1080/14781159208412752

Covers the story of Brisa De Angulo, now in her 30s, who was raped at the age of 15 and, two years after, opened the first – and only – comprehensive support centre for child survivors of sexual violence. This led to creation of the charity A Breeze of Hope and prompted support from Bolivian society and local NGOs. See also https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2016/07/bolivia-measures-counteract-gender-violence-160711135302912.html

This book draws on a range of theoretical traditions emerging from feminism, criminology, and sociology, to challenge the narrow idea that domestic violence and sexual assault are phenomena of interpersonal violence perpetrated by men. The authors highlight the diversity of women’s experience, discuss the role social structures play, and include discussions of workplace and state violence. The first section develops the conceptual and contextual framework, and the following three sections focus on types of victimization: interpersonal, in the workplace, and by the state. Accounts of individual experiences are used throughout to personalize the issues discussed.

A year after the eruption of the #MeToo movement, historian Mary Beard traces the roots of misogyny in the West to Athens and Rome and explores the relationships between women and power and how this intersects with issues of rape and consent.

Venezuela veteran activist for women’s rights, Gioconda Mota, discusses the growth of feminist movements in Venezuela. She pays particular attention to how they have contributed to the improvement of existing legal frameworks on the issue of gender violence and women’s role in the economy, and how much work is still needed with regard to dissident sexualities and abortion. She also discusses the predominantly sexist nature of justice administration, and the lack of women’s participation in strategic spheres of power, despite the increased participation in communal councils, social organisations and committees. She also sheds light on the feminisation of poverty, due to the double burden of productivity and care on women. The interview with Mota came after a group of feminist researchers released a ground-breaking report on the situation of women’s human rights in Venezuela, called ‘Desde Nosotras’ (From Us), whose 250 pages reveal the key challenges facing the political, economic, health, sexual and reproductive rights of Venezuelan women today.

A report on the development of the movement ‘Nosotras Proponemos’ (We Propose) demanding gender equality in the art world and the initiatives that art museums and art centres across the country are embarking on in response to the movement’s proposals.

Gutman reports on the initiative of the Argentine Actresses collective, a group created by 300 artistes in April 2018, when the country mobilised for the legislative debate on the decriminalisation of abortion. The mobilisation shed light also on the abuses that occurred within the entertainment industry, followed by scandals in the politics’ and sports’ sectors. The article outlines how reported femicides have been on the rise since the birth of #NiUnaMenos, which has promoted recognition of femicide, and the legal and protective initiatives that are taking place in the country thanks to the movement. 

Highlights the initiative ‘Guatemala Safe City’ as part of the UN Safe Cities and Safe Public Spaces Global Initiative to tackle sexual harassment in Guatemala. 

This work explores the causes of women’s under-representation of women in Japanese politics, their portrayal in Japanese media and the extent of their participation in social movements.

Explores women’s fight against oil extraction in the Bolivian Tariquía Reserve and the threat against forms of self-governance, of dispossession from the land and the environment this constitutes. The authors bring into the analysis the false division between the public and the private sphere. The threat of dispossession, in fact, is projected in daily life, as when women have to endure divisions within their families, occurrence that is considered a form of private and public violence.

Chakrabarti gives an account of gender injustice as a major breach of human rights, comparable to the systematic oppression of apartheid.

This paper discusses the events of the 2016 mobilization against a proposed total abortion ban proposal through a lens of reproductive justice, and explains the context of the struggle. The authors examine the Strike as a ‘tumultuous act of women’s solidarity’, while simultaneously assessing its implications for RJ issues. They also discuss the aftermath and the social unwillingness to acknowledge the complexities of women’s lives and reproductive choices. They also provide arguments for applying the RJ framework to illuminate the concept of ideal citizens, and to explore gendered social control in Poland. This study has a global relevance, reflecting the impact of worldwide trends in women’s rights activism, and the relevance of RJ in the context of resurfacing nationalisms and populism.

This article sheds light on women’s uprisings in Latin America and places particular emphasis on proposing a new framing for the struggles. Firstly, it stresses the need to revitalise a non-state centric type of politics. Secondly, it proposes the renewal of new forms of togetherness that could overpower patriarchal, colonial and capitalist structures. Thirdly, it argues the necessity to challenge the control exercised over women’s bodies and minds.

Introduction to the December 2018 issue, which presents, amongst other topics, essays and articles on the daily resistance against anti-Black state violence in Brazil; the demonstration of women wearing green handkerchiefs and claiming spaces in Argentina; the role of Ixil women in rebuilding communal structures post-genocide; the searches for the disappeared in Mexico; women’s struggle against oil exploitation; the organisation of LGBTI+ community members’ forms of resistance for immigrant justice; and the revisitation of the #NiUnaMenos movement.

In-depth account of the organisation of #NiUnaMenos and the 2018 International Women’s Strike, elucidating how the strike became a decisive moment in the history of Argentina’s and Latin America’s feminist revolutions. The authors note the importance of the region as a laboratory for the imposition of high impact neoliberal economic policies. The process by which IWS has become successful is based on radicalization by mass mobilisation and inclusion and aims never to isolate sexual violence from the very complex entwinement of capitalism and machista violences (macho culture) that lies at the core of the capitalist system.

Thorough account of the organisation of #NiUnaMenos and the 2018 International Women’s Strike, elucidating how the strike became a decisive moment in the history of Argentina’s and Latin America’s feminist revolutions. The authors note that the region functions as a laboratory for observing the imposition of high impact neoliberal economic policies. The process by which IWS has become successful is based on radicalization by mass mobilisation and inclusion and aims never to isolate sexual violence from the very complex entwinement of capitialism and machista violences (macho culture) that lies at the core of the capitalist system.

Women's Action for Nuclear Disarmament (WAND) began as the Women's Party for Survival (WPS), founded by Helen Caldicott in Boston in 1980. WPS chapters and affiliates soon formed across the United States, with educational programs, lobbying workshops, and demonstrations - the largest held annually on Mother's Day.