Zambia Shall Be Free
Author(s): Kenneth Kaunda
Heinemann, London, 1962, pp. 202
Author(s): Kenneth Kaunda
Heinemann, London, 1962, pp. 202
Author(s): Kenneth Maxwell
In: Timothy Garton Ash, Adam Roberts, Civil Resistance and Power Politics: The Experience of Non-violent Action from Gandhi to the Present (A. 1.b. Strategic Theory, Dynamics, Methods and Movements)
Focuses on 1974-75, and provides more detailed references in both Portuguese and English.
Author(s): Kenneth P. Erikson
University of California Press, Berkeley CA, 1977, pp. 225
Author(s): Kenneth Wilson
In: Post-Soviet Affairs, 2020
Examines Putin's strength both in terms of his personal power and the effectiveness of his policies measured by economic growth, social stability and international standing. The article compares Putin's record with that of governments in other former Soviet states, and concludes that his achievements are not especially impressive.
See also: White, David, 'State Capacity and Regime Resilience in Putin's Russia', International Political Science Review, 2018.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512117694481
White argues that although state capacity in Russia is 'relatively weak', the Putin regime has achieved relative stability through enriching elites, controlling civil society and opposition, and promoting public support through 'economic benefits and national-patriotic appeal'.
Author(s): Kerran L. Sanger
Garland, New York, 1995, pp. 246
Editor(s): Steven Saxonberg, and Kerstin Jacobsson
Routledge, London, 2015, pp. 128
Examines social movement strategies and how they differ to fit national circumstances and considers activism related to the environment and sustainability, animal rights, human rights, women’s rights and gay rights. Reconceptualizes the relationship between state and civil society under post-communism. Based on special issue of East European Politics.
Author(s): Kevin Buckley
Simon and Schuster, New York, 1991, pp. 304
Rather sensationalist account by journalist focusing on events from the 1985 coup to the US invasion, but stressing the role of Noriega and the Panama Defence Force. Includes descriptions of popular resistance as well as elite manoeuvres.
Author(s): Kevin Clements
In: in Patman, Robert, Iati Iati and Balazs Kiglics (eds.) New Zealand And The World. Past, Present And Future, pp. 221-237
Clements comments on the success of the peace movement in the 1980s in achieving the Nuclear-Free Zone, Disarmament and Arms Control Act of 1987, and the later waning of its influence on New Zealand’s foreign policy.
Editor(s): Kevin Hewison
Routledge, London, 1997, pp. 301
An overview of society and politics in Thailand. The Introduction briefly discusses the background to May 1992. Andrew Brown, ‘Locating Working Class Power’ (pp. 163-78), challenges the mainstream interpretation of May 1992 as an expression of the increased power of the middle class and civil society groups, which demonstrated the absence of working class power, suggesting commentators have an over-simplified model of united working class action.
Author(s): Kevin Hewison
In: Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol 38, No 1, 2008, pp. 190-211
Hewison assesses a biography of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, which the palace tried to suppress, and which examines the king's role in Thai politics and in the moves to suppress Thaksin.
See also: Handley, Paul, The King Never Smiles: A Biography of Thailand's Bhumibal Adulyade, New Haven Conn, Yale University Press, 2006.
Editor(s): Kevin J. O'Brien
Harvard University Press, Cambridge MA, 2008, pp. 278
Author(s): Kevin J. O'Brien, and Lianjiang Li
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge and New York, 2006, pp. 201
Based on fieldwork since 1994 on local instances of rights-based opposition. Chapter 4, ‘Tactical Escalation’, pp. 67-94, is especially rich in examples
Author(s): Kevin P. Clements
Harper Collins, Wellington NZ and New York, 1988, pp. 241
Account of significant popular movement in 1970s and 1980s (including local councils declaring themselves nuclear-free) that led to government action to turn New Zealand into a nuclear-free zone and to refuse to allow US warships carrying nuclear weapons to dock in its ports (although it did not remove US monitoring bases).
Author(s): Kevin T. Berrill
In: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, Vol 5, No 3, 1990, pp. 274-294
There have been significant campaigns to protect and promote LGBT rights in the USA, including a series of National Marches on Washington in 1979, 1987, 1993 and 2000, but also in many other western countries, which are not so well covered in English publications. The political, legal , religious and cultural contexts vary, however, between countries, so LGBT communities can face somewhat different problems. (For the UK see G.2.b.)
http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/088626090005003003
Author(s): Khalid Bin Sayeed
In: Asian Survey, Vol 24, No 2, 1984, pp. 219-228
Author(s): Kholod Sendi
In: International Journal of Gender and Women’s Studies, Vol 5, No 1, 2017, pp. 109-120
This paper discusses the hegemony of U.S. White middle-class feminism and examines seven limitations that make it inapplicable in non-Western societies, and specifically in Middle Eastern countries. These limitations include (a) ignoring the cultural, historical, and political systems that shape women in the Middle East; (b) misinterpretation of some religious practices; (c) generalizing women's conditions; (d) universalizing Western values; (e) playing the role of the savior; (f) ignoring the influence of Western imperialism; and (g) ignoring women's strengths and actual needs. Finally, this paper included suggestions that can be taken into consideration to reduce the gap between U.S. White middle-class feminism and other types of feminisms in the Middle East.
Author(s): Linda Hasunuma, and Ki-young Shin
In: Journal of Women, Politics & Policy, Vol 40, No 1, 2019, pp. 97-111
This article compares the impact of the #MeToo movement in South Korea and Japan. In South Korea, #MeToo inspired many women to go public with their accusations in numerous high-profile cases. Those accusations in turn inspired mass demonstrations and demands for legal reform. In South Korea, the movement also led to policy proposals and the revision of laws on sexual harassment and gender-based violence. In Japan, however, the movement has grown more slowly. Fewer women made public accusations, and if they did, they tended to remain anonymous. The movement has been limited to a small number of cases leading to a professional network to support women journalists. The authors argue that the different outcomes can be explained by the strength of women’s engagement in civil society and the nature of the media coverage in each case. In both countries, however, women continue to face a powerful backlash that includes victim-blaming and social and professional sanctions for speaking up.
Author(s): Kieran Williams
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1997, pp. 286
Author(s): Kierstin Thorson, and Lupamg Weng
In: Environmental Communication, Vol 14, No 2, 2020, pp. 347-363
Climate advocacy organizations are increasingly using social media to mobilize the public and so put pressure on policy-makers. The authors' investigation found that relatively few people repeatedly used Twitter on climate issues, though a small group of organizations and individuals did so repeatedly. They therefore raise questions about maintaining political interest over time.