The Politics of Structural Adjustment in Nigeria
Editor(s): Adebayo Olukoshi
Heinemann, Portsmouth NH, 1993, pp. 144
Includes assessments of the increasingly active role of civil society and relations with the state.
Editor(s): Adebayo Olukoshi
Heinemann, Portsmouth NH, 1993, pp. 144
Includes assessments of the increasingly active role of civil society and relations with the state.
Author(s): Adeele Pavlidis, and Wendy O’Brian
In: Journal of Sociology, Vol 53, No 3, 2017, pp. 704-719
The spread of contemporary roller derby presents an opportunity to examine the ways sport can act as a form of feminist intervention. This article draws on a qualitative case study of a roller derby league in China, made up predominantly of expatriate workers, to explore some of the possibilities roller derby presents in activating global forms of feminist participatory action.
Ed., with an introduction by Lynn Gordon Hughes
Author(s): Adin Ballou
Blackstone Editions, Providence, 2003
Originally published: 1846
(reprinted in 1910 by the Universal Peace Union, and online at www.nonresistance.org)
Ballou distinguishes his brand of Christian moral resistance to evil from both secular interpretations and from the ‘”passive obedience and nonresistance” imperiously preached by despots to their subjects’. He was active in the Anti-Slavery campaign in the USA together with William Garrison. While Garrison changed position and ultimately supported armed struggle to free the slaves, Ballou maintained his commitment to nonresistance. He had a direct influence on Tolstoy, and is therefore part of the broad tradition of nonviolent resistance
Author(s): Aditya Nigam, and Nivedita Menon
In: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol 46, No 37, 2011, pp. 5
Comments on the potential of a large and nonviolent movement and criticizes hard line leftist criticisms.
http://www.epw.in/journal/2011/37/commentary/anti-corruption-movement-and-left.html
Author(s): Adolfo Perez Esquivel
Editor(s): Charles Antoine
Orbis, Maryknoll NY, 1983, pp. 130
Perez Esquivel, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize in 1980, has been a leading SERPAJ activist in Argentina and in Latin America generally.
Author(s): Adomas Abromaltis
In: Modern Diplomacy, 2020
This article discusses the response of young Lithuanians to their government's 2015 decision to reintroduce compulsory military service of nine months men aged between 19-26. The conscripts are randomly selected each year from all those eligible, defined to include Lithuanians living abroad. The author notes that most try to avoid military service, and may prefer to pay fines or risk imprisonment, which has led to the government looking for new means of enforcing compliance.
https://moderndiplomacy.eu/2020/02/18/lithuania-to-serve-or-not-to-serve-in-the-army
Author(s): Adrian Tanner
In: James P. Hornig, Social and Environmental Impacts of the James Bay Hydroelectric Project, Montreal, McGill-Queens University Press, 1999 , pp. 121-140
Author(s): Brian Martin, Wendy Varney, and Adrian Vickers
In: Pacifica Review, Vol 13, No 2 (June), 2001, pp. 143-156
Compares the successful protests against Suharto in 1998 with the problems of resisting repression inside Indonesia 1965-66 and in East Timor after 1975. Brian Martin’s articles are online at: http://www.bmartin.cc/pubs
Author(s): Adrienne M. Israel
In: Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol 30, No 2, 1992, pp. 359-368
A trigger incident in 1948 was when armed police opened fire on an ex-servicemen’s march about unpaid benefits, killing three.
interview with Afif Safieh
Author(s): Gene Sharp, and Afif Safieh
In: Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol 17, No 1 (autumn), 1987, pp. 37-55
Author(s): Afiya Zia
Sussex Academic Press, Brighton, 2018, pp. 251
Analyses gender in the Muslim world, particularly in Pakistan. Zia chronicles secular feminism and its past and ongoing achievements, and explores the limits of faith-based politics in the country.
Author(s): AFP
In: Arab News, 2018
A brief overview of responses to the ‘MeToo’ movement in some countries in Africa, noting how women still face stigma and victim-blaming when they are victims of sexual harassment
Editor(s): Africa Center for Strategic Studies
ACSS, Washington DC, 2011, pp. 72http://africacenter.org/2011/11/africa-and-the-arab-spring-a-new-era-of-democratic-expectations-2/
Author(s): Against Equality
2009
An anti-capitalist collection of radical queer and trans writers, thinkers and artists
Author(s): Agnes Ku
In: Space and Polity, Vol 24, No 1, 2020, pp. 111-117
This article, which is part of an issue on 'Youth Politics in Urban Areas', focuses on the 2019 Anti-Extradition Bill movement to explore the role of young people in steering this movement. Ku examines how they drew on local and international resources to direct the movement, and 'the path-breaking strategies and results that have emerged'.
Author(s): Agnes Poirier
In: The Guardian, 2018
Poirier reflects on the open letter published in Le Monde, which was signed by 100 French women, including the film star Catherine de Neuve, and became news around the world. The letter suggested the Hollywood campaign was intolerant and promoted censorship, and that MeToo reflected a puritanical strain in feminism, and led to intolerance of those not politically correct. It asserted that 'rape is a crime, but trying to seduce someone, even persistently or cackhandedly, is not'. The letter provoked anger among feminists, with many younger French feminists accusing the signatories of being over-privileged and not caring about victims of rape and harassment. Poirier argues that, although the letter included clumsy and provocative wording, it did represent an important strand in French feminism, inspired by Simone de Beauvoir, which is still the mainstream position. It is opposed to a younger American-inspired movement, which is seen by more traditional French feminists as extremist, and leading to censorship of the arts. Poirier also points out that although the Le Monde letter is usually identified with Catherine de Neuve, its initiator was Abnousse Shalmani, a 41 year old Iranian refugee from Ayatollah Khomeini's regime, who had herself experienced rape, and who had found in French culture the inspiration to become free 'as a woman and a sexual being'. Shalmani said on French radio after the letter's publication that the signatories did not dismiss those who had the courage to speak out against Weinstein, or their struggle, but wished to 'add our voice' to the debate.
Author(s): Agnieszka Graff
In: Stacy Gillis, Gillian Howie, Rebecca Munford, Third Wave Feminism: A Critical Exploration (F.4.a. The Third Wave of the 1990s-2000s), pp. 142-165
Argues ‘wave’ chronology does not apply to Poland.
Author(s): Agnieszka Król, and Paula Pustułka
In: International Feminist Journal of Politics, Vol 20, No 3, 2018, pp. 366-384
This paper discusses the events of the 2016 mobilization against a proposed total abortion ban proposal through a lens of reproductive justice, and explains the context of the struggle. The authors examine the Strike as a ‘tumultuous act of women’s solidarity’, while simultaneously assessing its implications for RJ issues. They also discuss the aftermath and the social unwillingness to acknowledge the complexities of women’s lives and reproductive choices. They also provide arguments for applying the RJ framework to illuminate the concept of ideal citizens, and to explore gendered social control in Poland. This study has a global relevance, reflecting the impact of worldwide trends in women’s rights activism, and the relevance of RJ in the context of resurfacing nationalisms and populism.
Author(s): Ahmadullah Archiwal
International Center on Non-Violent Conflict2020
Provides detailed account of the development of an Afghan peace movement after March 26 2018, after dozens of football fans were killed by a Taliban car bomb in Lashkargah, capital of Helmand province. Members of their families launched a protest that included pitching tens and going on hunger strike. Protesters included women, the disabled and the old. The movement also made specific demands for a ceasefire during Ramadan, further ceasefires, creating a political framework acceptable to all Afghan groups, and promoting the ultimate withdrawal of international military forces.
See also: Abed, Fahim, ‘Afghan peace marchers meet the Taliban and find ‘people just like us’, The New York Times, 10 June 2019.
https://www.nytimes.com/2019/06/10/world/asia/afghanistan-peace-march-taliban.html
See also: Hassan, Sharif, ‘After 17 years of war, a peace movement grows in Afghanistan’, The Washington Post, 18 August 2018.
https://www.nonviolent-conflict.org/blog_post/afghanistan-the-helmand-peace-march-two-years-on/
Author(s): Ahmed Al-Rawi
In: International Journal of Communications, Vol 8, 2014, pp. 916-942
This article elaborates on earlier protests before 2019, focusing on 2011 and noting 'dozens of protests' (which crossed sectarian lines) against political corruption and calling for revolution at Tahrir Square, Baghdad, between February 12 and the 'day of rage' on February 25 2011. On this day the government of Nouri Maliki shut down media coverage, accusing the protesters of being followers of the banned Baath Party of Saddam Hussein or supporters of Al Qaeda. On February 25 2011, 30 demonstrators were killed by security services and many injured. But the main focus of the article is on the use of Facebook and You Tube to publicize, comment on and justify the protests. The blogs and comments studied were predominantly by young men, including some in the US and Canada.