Statehood and Security: Georgia After the Rose Revolution
Editor(s): Bruno Coppierters, and Robert Levgold
MIT, Cambridge MA, 2005, pp. 406
Editor(s): Bruno Coppierters, and Robert Levgold
MIT, Cambridge MA, 2005, pp. 406
Author(s): Bryant Johnson
Free Press, New York, 1987, pp. 290
Emphasis on role of military and Catholic Church.
Editor(s): Michael Waller, Kyril Drezov, and Bulent Gokay
Frank Cass, London, 2001, pp. 190
Main focus on developments after 1996, the role of the Kosovo Liberation Army and the NATO war on Serbia (including documents such as the Rambouillet Text and the UN Security council Resolution of June 1999). But chapter two (pp. 11-19) discusses Albanian schooling in Kosovo, 1992-98, and chapter 19 ‘The limitations of violent intervention’ raises questions about nonviolent alternatives.
Editor(s): Bulent Gokay, and Ilia Xypolia
Keele European Research Centre, Southeast Europe Series, Keele University2013, pp. 80
Includes a range of brief essays on the Taksim protests, but also includes Immanuel Wallerstein on ‘Turkey: Dilemma of the Kurds’, and chapters making comparisons with Mexico 1968 and with Brazil, plus an analysis of ‘Two Waves of Popular Protest in 2013 Bulgaria’.
https://www.keele.ac.uk/journal-globalfaultlines/publications/geziReflections.pdf
Author(s): Bush, Richard C.
Brookings Institute Press, Washington, DC, 2016, pp. 170
The Director of the Brookings Institution's Center on East Asian Policy Studies examines the conflict between the Chinese government and the protesters over the role of popular control in Hong Kong's political system in the context of the 2014 movement. Bush stresses the popular resentment about growing economic inequality and the dominance of the business sector, discusses policies which would promote 'both economic competitiveness and good governance', and examines implications of developments in Honk Kong for the USA.
Author(s): S. C. Boulila, and C. Carri
In: European Journal of Women's Studies, Vol 24, No 3, 2017, pp. 286-293
The authors observe that Germany in 2017 finally ratified the 2011 Istanbul Convention on preventing and combating violence against women, and also amended the law on rape to emphasise consent, not the physical violence of the rapist. But these changes were not due to decades of feminist pressure, but to the highly publicised harassment of women in Cologne on New Year's Eve 2015 by immigrants. This led to sensational media coverage invoking anti-Muslim fears, and pressure from the far right AFD party (Alternative for Germany) and extremist Pegida movement. Cologne encouraged demands for quicker deportations and restrictions on refugee numbers across the political spectrum, and there was a rise of up to three a week in arson attacks on refugee centres. The article notes the response of anti-racist feminists, for example in the internet initiative #ausnahmlos (without exception), challenging the racialisation of sexual harassment and the racial undertones of public debate. But they were in turn attacked for fuelling right wing extremism, and were compared to Holocaust deniers.
See also: 'A Feminist View of Cologne: The current outrage is very hypocritical', Der Spiegel Online, 21 January 2016. https://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/german-feminists-debate-cologne-attacks-a-1072806.html
Debate between two leading feminists (Alice Schwarzer and Anne Wizorek) from different generations of feminists responding to Cologne. They disagree about the urgency of addressing sexism within some immigrant communities, as opposed to stressing the persistence of patriarchal attitudes throughout German society. Both seem to agree that groping and sexual harassment should become a criminal offence, a cause which Wizorek had promoted since 2013.
Author(s): C. Silva de Assis
University of Utrecht, Faculty of Humanities Theses, Utrecht, 2014, pp. 100
Author(s): C.I.R. James
Alison and Busby, London, 1977, pp. 227
Frequent references to strikes and nonviolent resistance. See especially ch. 7, ‘Positive action’.
Author(s): C.M. Woodhouse
Granada, London, 1985, pp. 192
Chapter 3 ‘Resistance and Reaction: April-December 1967, pp. 33-48, covers early opposition to the regime. Chapter 10 gives detail on ‘The Students’ Revolt: November 1973’, pp. 126-41.
Author(s): Murat Gül, John Dee, and Cahide Nur Cünük
In: Journal of Architecture and Urbanism, Vol 38, No 1 (March), 2014, pp. 63-72
Discusses the protests and their symbolism and the ideological conflicts evoked.
Author(s): Cajsa Hemström
Uppsala University2019
Inspired by the debate over whether globalisation has brought more benefits or disadvantages, and whether feminist movements around the world are gaining more agency and leverage, this thesis explores what influence feminist movements exercised on labour rights legislation in Morocco.
Editor(s): Peter King, Jim Elmslie, and Camellia Webb-Gannon
Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPACS), Sydney, 2011, pp. 392
The most substantial publication from CPACS’ ongoing West Papua Project – 25 chapters, including human rights surveys, discussions on strategic possibilities, and other commentaries, plus Katrina Rae’s West Papua 2010: A Literature Survey. All online at http://sydney.edu.au/arts/peace_conflict/practice/west_papua_project.shtml
http://sydney.edu.au/arts/peace_conflict/practice/Comprehending%20West%20Papua.pdf
Author(s): Camen Geha
In: The Middle East Journal, Vol 73, No 1, 2019, pp. 9-28
The article examines how the Lebanese government and sectarian political establishment responded to two earlier waves of protest against the sectarian system of government. She finds that they try to end such protests through a combination of 'co-optation, counter-narratives, and repression'.
Author(s): Cameron Ross
In: Humanities and Social Science Communications, 2018
This survey of regional elections for governors and assemblies in 2015, 2016 and 2017 finds that the regime has switched from a strategy primarily reliant on manipulating election results (liable to cause criticism and protest) to focus on manipulating the registration of candidates, so preventing serious opposition candidates from standing. Whilst this approach has strengthened Putin's United Russia party in regional elections up to 2017, it has also resulted in widespread apathy and low turn- out, which could undermine the regime.
Author(s): Camille Hébert
In: Employee Rights and Employment Policy Journal, Vol 22, No 321, 2018, pp. 321-336
Discusses the possibility of ‘MeToo’ of becoming a legal movement which could help shape the legislation on sexual harassment.
Special issue, Vol. 33, no. 4
Author(s): Canadian Journal of Development Studies
2012
Author(s): Candice Norwood
In: PBS, 2020
Norwood explores the influence of Black Lives Matter in informing and driving policy within the Democratic Party, especially on key issues, such as economic equality, education and criminal justice.
See also: Remnick, David, ‘After George Floyd and Juneteenth’, The New Yorker, 20 June 2020.
https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/after-juneteenth
Author(s): Candie Carawan, and Guy Carawan
NewSouth, Montgomery AL, 2008
Originally published: 1992
Combines two earlier collections of songs and participant memoirs, We Shall Overcome (1963) and Freedom is a Constant Struggle (1968). Compiled by veterans of the Highlander Folk School (later Center), Tennessee – the adult education centre described as an ‘incubator’ for the Civil Rights movement.
Author(s): Carisa Showden
In: Women’s Studies Journal, Vol 32, No 1/2, 2018, pp. 73-80
The University of Auckland hosted a panel in September 2018 on preventing and responding to sexual assault and harassment on university campuses. The panel was organised by the Australian and New Zealand Student Services Association (ANZSSA), and included speakers from the University of Sydney and Universities Australia. Australian universities had launched a coordinated effort to address campus sexual assault and harassment in February 2016, and this panel served as a space for sharing their experiences and for Auckland staff and students to learn from them.